Exploring Time Distortion in Faerie Folklore

Edwin Sidney Hartland’s exploration of time in faerie folklore highlights three primary types of time distortion. These tales illustrate a timeless realm where characters often face abduction, leading to significant time lapses upon their return. The narratives reveal deeper beliefs about consciousness, the afterlife, and mythological themes embedded within folklore.

A version of this article was first published on the Ancient Origins website.

In his 1891 publication The Science of Fairy Tales, the folklorist Edwin Sidney Hartland devoted three chapters to ponder over ‘The Supernatural Lapse of Time in Fairyland.’ He makes it clear that this motif is deeply embedded in worldwide folklore and mythology from a wide variety of chronological periods. He suggests that the consistency of the story elements involving the strange relative movement of time in faerie folklore, must stem from a common mythological theme, although he usually stops short of discussing this theme in favour of telling the actual stories. Within these supernatural lapse of time tales there are essentially three ways that time can behave in contradistinction to normal reality: 1. Time stops in the outside world, while in faerieland many years can pass with the human participant living a life of enjoyment or suffering with the faeries. The protagonist usually breaks a taboo of some sort and finds themselves back in the real world, where no time has passed. These stories are in the small minority. More often the time dilation moves the other way. 2. This can be quite a drastic shift, so that a character spending minutes, days or weeks in faerieland comes back to consensus reality to find decades or even centuries have passed, or, 3. that a few minutes caroling with the faeries turns out to be any length of time up to a year and a day, once they return to the world they came from.

The Three Types of Time Distortion in Faerie Folklore

1. Hartland points out that the folkloric faeries of Wales, usually known as the Tylwyth Teg, were particularly prone to abducting humans, usually through the ruse of tempting them into a dancing circle where they become enmeshed in a time-distorted reality. One typical 19th-century tale has a lonely shepherd doing just that on a hillside in South Wales, after which he finds himself in a glittering palace with pleasure gardens, inhabited by the faeries. He lives there for years, even taking the chance to get involved in some romantic attachments with the beguiling black-eyed female faeries. But despite being warned off the fountain, which is filled with gold and silver fish, in the middle of the main garden, he can’t resist overturning the prohibition, and one day, inevitably, he plunges his hands into the water for a drink. Immediately he finds himself back on the cold Welsh hillside with his sheep, during which no time at all seems to have passed.

As mentioned, this sort of time relativity in folklore is the exception to the rule; it usually works the other way round as in 2 and 3 below. Such a story type might represent an adventure experienced while in an altered state of consciousness, turned into a folktale that attempts to convey this unusual state of consciousness through conventional ideas about faerieland. The altered state might represent a waking hallucinogenic state or a dream, both of which can allow seemingly long passages of subjective time to take place in seconds or minutes in the real world. But this is not the usual way time works in faerie folklore…

2. Hartland records an 18th-century version of the ancient Irish story of Oisín as typical of the second type of time-lapse folktales, recorded throughout Europe and Asia. Oisín is a poet of the Fianna, and falls asleep under an ash tree. He awakes to find Niamh, Queen of Tír na nÓg, the land of perpetual youth, summoning him to join her in her realm as her husband. Beguiled, he follows her, and finds himself living in a paradise of perpetual summer, where all good things abound, and where time and death hold no sway. But soon he breaks a taboo of standing on a broad flat stone, from where he is able to view the Ireland he left behind. It has changed for the worse, and he begs Niamh to give him leave to return. She reluctantly agrees, but asks that he return after only one day with the mortals. She supplies him with a black horse, which he is not to dismount, and ‘gifted him with wisdom and knowledge far surpassing that of men.’ Once back in Ireland he realises that decades have passed and that he is no longer recognised or known. Inevitably, he dismounts his horse and immediately his youth is gone and he becomes an enfeebled old man with nothing but his immortal wisdom. There is no returning to the faerieland of the Tír na nÓg. In other variations of the story, the hero turns to dust as soon as his feet touch the ground of consensus reality.

These type of folktales seem to suggest that faerieland is the world of the dead, immune from the passage of time, and that return to the world of the living is not possible as the mortal body has aged and decayed in line with the physical laws of this world. The embedded taboo in the story perhaps represents the idea that a disembodied consciousness cannot break codes in the realm of the Dead, and that if the taboo is broken, the lesson needs to be learnt that there can be no return to corporeality. In the Japanese tale of Urashima Taro, the hero, when returning home, is even given a casket by his faerie bride, in which his years are locked. When he opens it, his time is up.

These stories articulate a belief in an otherworld that is never heaven, but is apparently ruled over by a race of immortals who can exert control over the consciousness of an individual, who may believe themselves to still be in human form, but are actually already dead and existing in non-material form. It appears to be the place where the faeries come from; a place untouched by the passage of time and physical death. It could even represent the collective consciousness of humanity made into an understandable form in the stories, immortal in nature and containing all wisdom and knowledge, as suggested in the Oisín tale.

This might be explained by seeing folklore of this type as representing a surviving pagan belief system of the afterlife. This afterlife did not follow the strictures of Christianity or other world religions, and provided an alternative view of what happens to consciousness after death. It is a view that was (in the West) superseded by Christian theology, but that may be surfacing in these folktales as remnants of the previous system of belief (a belief system that remained partially intact but operated underground for fear of religious persecution). The presence of faeries in this otherworld, and their ability to materialise in standard reality, suggests that they were an essential element in pagan ideas about consciousness and that they had a role to play when it came to death. In this theory the characters in the story play the part of messengers, telling us about the true nature of a timeless reality that is distinct and separate from consensus reality, and showing us that human consciousness disassociates from the physical body to exist in a parallel reality such as Tir na n’Og. 

The third type of time lapse usually has a less dramatic effect on the protagonist, as they return from an apparently short time in faerieland to a world advanced by either months, or more often by the magical time-span of a year and a day.

3. Hartland records a number of these types of tales from Britain. One was collected in the Scottish Highlands by the folklorist JF Campbell in the 1860s, and includes many of the typical elements. The story involves two men returning home from the town of Lairg, where one of them has just registered the birth of his child in the session books. They sit down to rest at the foot of the hill of Durcha, when music and merriment is heard from within a cavern in the hill. The new father can’t resist investigating and disappears into the hill. On returning home alone, his friend is accused of murder. But a ‘wise man’ suggests he should be able to clear his name by returning to the cavern a year and a day later. He does so, and when he sees a shadow in the cave entrance he grabs it, momentarily revealing his friend dancing in a circle with the music-making faeries. He pulls him out of the circle and the faeries are gone. ‘Could you not have let me finish my reel’ the former captive says, thinking he had only just started dancing with the faeries. He won’t believe that a year and a day have passed until he returns home to find his wife with their year-old child in her arms.

Faerie Folklore as an Encoded Belief System

Stories of this type rarely say much about the faeries doing the abducting, only that they seemed capable of drawing the participant out of their own world and into an alternative reality with a different space-time continuum. The year and a day motif is important and is a common time-frame appearing in medieval romances as the amount of time protagonists were given to succeed in quests. In The Golden Bough, Sir James George Frazer highlights the ancient global concept of the Divine King, who was to be ritually murdered after a period of time in charge, which was often a year and a day. The time period was also used in common law to substantiate the legal situation of unwed couples, and it was (in theory) the amount of time a person living under feudal serfdom needed to be absent from his lord’s manor to gain his freedom. Interestingly, a year and a day is also used in Wiccan and other neo-pagan traditions for the time of learning required before being initiated into the first degree. This may all suggest that the folklore of this type have the year and a day motif embedded within them as a message, conveying the idea that it is a magical time-frame. It was a symbolic time-marker for life quests, ruling over others, decisions being made, learning a tradition, securing a marriage, or gaining freedom as one year tips over into another. It was evidently deeply ingrained in both esoteric tradition and everyday life from an early date, rooted in the cycles of the natural world.

As is the case with Hartland’s tale from the Highlands, these stories usually include a ‘wise man’ who knows that a year and a day is the time needed to free the abductee from the clasps of the faeries. This sounds like the cunning man recorded in Early Modern witch trials, among other sources, a type of magical practitioner steeped in esoteric  knowledge, who operated within the constraints of Christianity, but who was evidently practising a type of pagan magic. In her 2005 book Cunning Folk and Familiar Spirits, Emma Wilby convincingly puts these people (men and women) within an ancient shamanic visionary tradition, which had as its main remit an understanding of otherworldly spirits, including the faeries. Once again, we can see the folklore embedding these motifs into the stories, below the radar of religious censorship, so as to tell people the truth gleaned from gnostic shamanic beliefs that were evidently alive and well in pre-industrial societies. The repackaged 19th-century folktales were recording these traditions in coded language, perhaps not understood properly by their listeners, but hiding knowledge of metaphysical realities in plain sight, in the form of a good story.

The metaphysical realities these stories attempt to convey have formed a specific mythology that attempts to tell us about otherworlds beyond our own. These otherworlds may differ depending on the story but they are all, essentially, talking about transcendence beyond the physical world. And with transcendence the space-time continuum works in a different way, without the constraints of a world of matter, or with a linear time-flow. Among the inhabitants of this transcendent otherworld are the faeries, who seem to be able to make occasional appearances in our world, but whose own world is one of consciousness, whether a dream, an altered state, the collective human consciousness, or death. The message seems to be that consciousness has no real need of a dimension of time, and that once freed from the physical world, consciousness is able to transfer to an alternative non-physical universe; a universe that has sometimes been called faerieland. It is an ancient mythological concept pointing at a deeper reality, surviving in encoded form in faerie folklore.

References

Bentov, Itzhak, Stalking the Wild Pendulum: On the Mechanics of Consciousness (1977)

Briggs, Katherine, An Encyclopedia of Fairies (1978)

Frazer, James George, The Golden Bough: A Study of Magic and Religion (1922 ed.) https://sacred-texts.com/pag/frazer/

Hancock, Graham, Supernatural: Meetings with the Ancient Teachers of Mankind (2005)

Hartland, Edwin Sidney, The Science of Fairy Tales: An Inquiry into Fairy Mythology (1891) http://www.gutenberg.org/files/24614/24614-h/24614-h.htm 

Rushton, Neil, ‘Going Round in Circles: The Faerie Dance’ (2016) https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2016/05/28/going-round-in-circles-the-faerie-dance/ 

Sugg, Richard, Fairies: A Dangerous History (2018)

Wilby, Emma, Cunning Folk and Familiar Spirits: Shamanistic Visionary Traditions in Early Modern British Witchcraft and Magic (2005)

Woodyard, Chris, ‘Dancing with the Fairies: 1820s-1840s’  (2018) https://mrsdaffodildigresses.wordpress.com/2018/07/27/dancing-with-the-fairies/ 

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The cover image is ‘Dreams and Time’ by John Anster Fitzgerald (1819-1906).

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Dead but Dreaming the novel is available now…

Mermaid Imagery in British and Irish Medieval Churches

A version of this article appeared originally in the online magazine Ancient Origins.

There are numerous stone sculptures and wood carvings in European medieval churches that depict what may appear to be non-Christian imagery. Most discussed are those of the Green Man and the Sheela na gig, which have found various interpretations, from pagan symbols existing surreptitiously within Christian sacred spaces, to simple decorative adornments, created by masons and carpenters with the implicit approval of the Church. Unlike many of the more straightforward carved images of animals and therianthropes in churches, the Green Man and Sheela na gig portrayals are not drawn from passages in biblical texts, strengthening the hypothesis that they are derived from naturalistic pagan belief systems and folkloric ideas, which continued to operate at some level below the radar of Christian orthodoxy throughout the Middle Ages. It appears as if there were a certain ecclesiastical allowance to tolerate these coded populist images, even if they were evoking (especially in the case of the sexually explicit Sheela na gigs) a potentially heretical cosmology. But there is another popular non-Biblical image regularly found in churches of all status, especially prevalent in Britain and Ireland: mermaids. They can be found in stone reliefs, bench-ends, misericords, roof bosses, and occasionally in wallpaintings in almost a hundred medieval churches, usually prominent, sometimes hidden but most often following a similar design, which remained largely unchanged between the 11th and 15th centuries. Why would an ancient, folkloric, but non-Biblical, character such as the mermaid find its way into so many medieval churches? And can such mermaid imagery and symbology be correlated with the more overt pagan symbols of the Green Man and Sheela na gig?

Mermaids in Mythology and Folklore

Mermaids have been a part of the global mythological ontology for thousands of years. They make their first literary appearance in Assyria in c.1000 BCE, when the goddess Atargatis turns herself into a mermaid as a self-imposed punishment after accidentally killing her human lover. But this rendering of a mermaid creature may be based on the even earlier tradition of the Babylonian God Ea, who was portrayed as a fish with a human head. This idea of a half human, half fish creature continued to pervade mythological story cycles from this time, finding their way into Greek and Roman cosmologies and then into north-west European traditions. They were often the harbingers, and sometimes the cause, of disasters at sea, but there is also a tradition of mermaids being lured onto land to become the wives of men who have tricked them into such a relation, stories that usually end badly for the enticing male.

By the time the concept of the mermaid reached Britain and Ireland at the end of the first millennium, it had made the subtle transition from mythology to folklore; the mermaids were no longer deities to be revered but were supernatural aspects of the material world, to be feared and propitiated in equal measure. Most British and Irish folklore about mermaids (usually termed merrows) included motifs that included both warnings to seafarers and cautionary tales about desiring metaphysical beings. In the Faroe Isles the mermaid morphed into a creature known as the kelpie, half seal, half human, who could be captured by any amorous male when she beached and shed her seal skin. The most famous story is of Kópakonan (‘seal woman’) who was lured onto land to marry a fisherman, only for him to abuse her and her kelpie family, resulting in disaster for the inhabitants of Faroe. This theme of mermaids (and their analogues) as creatures of retribution became a mainstay of folklore – they were desirable and supernally beautiful, but they were also dangerous, and contact with them led (almost invariably) to calamity. 

Examples of Mermaids in Medieval Churches

Images of mermaids abound in British and Irish medieval churches. There are a range of stylistic types, from the Romanesque stone relief at the chapel of Durham Castle (dated to 1078 and thought to be the earliest depiction of a mermaid in an ecclesiastical context) through to the late medieval carved bench ends in churches such as at All Saints church, Upper Sheringham (Norfolk), St Mary’s church, Ivinghoe (Buckinghamshire) and Holy Trinity church, Great Hockham (Norfolk).

Mermaid on a column capital at the chapel of Durham Castle, c. 1078 (Howarth Litchfield)
15th-century mermaid bench-end at Holy Trinity church, Great Hockham, Norfolk (John Vigar)

There are also a small number of mermaids shown in wallpaintings, such as at St Botolph’s church, Slapton (Northamptonshire). But despite the stylistic changes through the course of the Middle Ages the mermaids are always portrayed as distinctive characters, with fish tails (usually double-tails), naked upper human bodies, and with long flowing hair.

Late medieval mermaid shown in a wallpainting at St Botolph’s church, Slapton, Northamptonshire (John Vigar)

There are a few depictions of mermen (the male equivalent of mermaids), as at St Buryan church in Cornwall, but the vast majority are of the female form. Those carved on the underside of misericords in church choirs, such as at St Mary’s church in Edlesborough (Buckinghamshire), would have been largely unseen by the majority of people frequenting the church, but most of the sculptures, carvings and wallpaintings are in prominent positions, in full view of the congregations, such as at St. Brendan’s Cathedral at Clonfert, Co. Galway, Ireland, where the image of a foot-high mermaid is located at eye level on a soffit facing the nave from a pier of the chancel, and would have appeared directly to the left of a priest as he addressed the congregation.

15th-century stone relief mermaid, knotwork and angels at St. Brendan’s Cathedral, Clonfert, Co. Galway, Ireland (Neil Rushton)

The stone sculpted mermaid at All Saints church in Thornham, Norfolk, is also a prominent feature in the nave and must have been located there by design, in order to convey a message to the (mostly illiterate) congregation. Indeed, most stone reliefs of mermaids are found in the communal areas of medieval churches, intrinsic parts of the experience of attending church for generations of medieval people. Even more common were bench-end mermaids, wooden carvings that would have been both visible and touchable to everyone attending the church. These are exclusively late medieval in date, making it clear that the mermaid had continued as a defined symbol through to the Reformation.

One of the best known representations of a mermaid from a medieval church is at St Senara’s church, Zennor in Cornwall. Carved into the side of a bench-chair in the 15th century, it depicts a typical mermaid figure, naked to her fish tail, and holding aloft a mirror and comb. The image seems to relate to a piece of local folklore, where a mermaid, in the form of a woman, came to church each Sunday and charmed the parishioners with her beautiful singing before returning to the sea. A local man called Mathey Trewella was enticed to return with her to the sea one day, and neither was seen again. Although not recorded in literary form until 1873 by the folklorist William Bottrell, this folktale had evidently been doing the rounds as an oral tradition long before. Although it is possible that it was the bench-end carving that gave rise to the story, it is equally likely that the medieval image of the mermaid was commemorating a folktale in circulation in the 15th century. This is unusual; mermaid images in churches do not normally come packaged with an associated folktale. They were more likely timeless symbols, which despite their pagan connotations, were allowed to be displayed in churches by the ecclesiastical authorities as a didactic tool; visual symbols to persuade the faithful towards virtue.

15th-century bench-chair mermaid at St Senara’s church, Zennor, Cornwall (John Vigar)

The Symbology of Mermaids in Medieval Churches

One interpretation of the symbolic meaning of church mermaids is that they were warnings against the sin of lust, possibly in the same way as the Sheela na gig sculptures. The mermaids were portrayed as young women with flowing hair, whose folkloric attributes were often those of temptation – they were designed with negative connotations. Patricia Radford describes how this was offset at St Brendan’s Cathedral, Clonfert:

‘Directly above the mermaid at Clonfert, and at many other locations including Clontuskert, is a beautifully carved, symmetrical knot. Knot-work in Irish and Celtic art has protective associations, so it seems the purpose of this motif is to protect the viewer from the mermaid’s dangerous pull since merely gazing upon the creature might incite lust. At Clonfert, on the pier opposite the mermaid, at the priest’s right, are three carved angels. It is typical of Irish churches that images associated with good are placed so that they can be seen to balance the potential evil of images of warning, such as mermaids. It is the nature of medieval art that an image may have multiple layers of meaning.’

This insightful observation may have been true at some Irish churches, but most British church mermaids exist in isolation, without any potentially protective symbols or angels. However, the majority of these British mermaids are portrayed with symbols that would have been understood as displaying attributes of the sins of pride and vanity – as per the Zennor carving, the mermaids often held combs and mirrors. Not only were the mermaids sexual temptresses, they were made explicit in their vanity. This may have allowed for a dual meaning in their symbology, where the mermaids known tendency to draw men to their destruction was coupled with a warning to women to guard against excessive vanity. The depiction of the mermaids with long flowing hair also fed into this; medieval women of good virtue were expected to wear their hair ‘tamed’ and concealed beneath a covering – loose hair was for pre-pubescent girls and virtueless women. It might be wondered whether such portrayals of alluring femininity in churches may have had the opposite effect of that intended, but it seems as if the ecclesiastical authorities were able to use effectively the symbology of the mermaid, known for destruction and misfortune, to inculcate Christian virtues. It is unlikely that mermaid iconography would have been so regularly displayed in such prominent positions in churches if this were not the case.

In this respect mermaid imagery in medieval churches differs from that of the Green Man and the Sheela na gig images, despite all having pagan connotations. They served different purposes. Green Men and Sheela na gigs were, and remain, amorphous in their symbolic meaning. They represent liminal aspects of medieval belief systems, that were likely interpreted by medieval congregations (as well as modern commentators) as unexplained aspects of a subversive cosmology, allowed into ecclesiastical precincts through custom and convention, almost as a propitiation to underlying non-Christian phenomenology. Their liminal nature meant they rarely found significant locations in churches, but were rather subsumed in vaults and side-chapels, tolerated but not generally exposed to general view. In contrast, mermaid sculptures and carvings were usually in full prospect, allowed into the nave and communal areas, often within touching distance of the congregation. It is likely that people were well aware of the folkloric properties of the mermaids, and the Church was able to appropriate this knowledge to expound core Christian values in a dynamically visual way. But at the same time, the mermaids were skilfully rendered works of art, which may not always have served a symbolic purpose. The medieval churchgoers who would have viewed such accomplished carpentry and stonework throughout their lives may, like their modern counterparts, have simply enjoyed the mermaid imagery as something that enhanced the church space, while invoking a supernatural being and the stories that accumulated around it.

References

Alexander, S. 2012. Mermaids: The Myths, Legends and Lore. Adams Media, Avon, US

Andrews, T. 1998. Dictionary of Nature Myths: Legends of the Earth, Sea, and Sky. Oxford University Press

Bottrell, W. 1873. ‘The Mermaid of Zennor’, in Traditions and Hearthside Stories of West Cornwall. Available at: https://www.sacred-texts.com/neu/celt/swc2/swc274.htm 

Briggs, K. 1976. An Encyclopaedia of Fairies. Pantheon Books, New York 

Kemble, M.J. 1992. ‘Mermaids in Folk Literature’, in Ichioka, C.S. (ed.), Stories from around the World: An Annotated Bibliography of Folk Literature. Honolulu: University of Hawaii at Manoa, 67–82 

Platt, C. 1995, The Parish Churches of Medieval England. Chancellor Press, London

Radford, P. 2003. Lusty Ladies: Mermaids in the Medieval Irish Church. Available at: http://homepage.eircom.net/~archaeology/three/mermaid.htm 

Rushton, N. 2019. Selkies, Sirens, Swan Maidens and Otherworldly Brides. Available at: https://www.ancient-origins.net/history/selkies-sirens-swan-0011483 

Weir, A., 2017. Satan in the Groin: Exhibitionist Figures on Mediæval Churches. Available at: http://www.beyond-the-pale.org.uk/ 

Wingren, W. 2017. Why Are There Carvings of Women Flashing Their Genitals on Churches Across Europe? Available at: https://www.ancient-origins.net/artifacts-other-artifacts/why-are-there-carvings-women-flashing-their-genitals-churches-across-021737 

Winters, R. 2015. Unraveling the Nature and Identity of the Green Man. Available at: https://www.ancient-origins.net/myths-legends/unraveling-nature-and-identity-green-man-002620 

Winters, R. 2015. Unraveling the Nature and Identity of the Green Man, part 2. Available at: https://www.ancient-origins.net/myths-legends/unraveling-nature-green-man-part-2-how-pre-christian-icon-020186 

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Thanks to my friend and church historian John Vigar for all the images, apart from the Durham Castle Chapel mermaid, which comes from a conservation assessment of the chapel by Howarth Litchfield. The cover image (by John Vigar) is a 15th-century mermaid bench-end at All Saints church, Upper Sheringham, Norfolk.

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Dead but Dreaming the novel is available now

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Seeing the Unseeable: The Role of Clairvoyance in the Cottingley Story

This is my article from a new publication The Cottingley Fairy Photographs: New Approaches to Fairies, Fakes and Folklore, edited by Dr Simon Young. This volume contains fifteen essays by faerie researchers and is accompanied by a separate volume The Cottingley Fairies: A Source Book compiled by Simon. My article below does take some familiarity with the story for granted (Simon Young’s Introduction in the volume of essays provides an invaluable overview) and is an attempt to dig below the faked photographs to excavate the more numinous aspects of the story of what happened in Cottingley Beck. Thanks to Simon for permission to republish.

Photographing Fairies

In the 1997 film Photographing Fairies (based on the 1992 novel by Steve Szilagyi1, and set shortly after WWI), there is a scene where the main protagonist, Charles Castle (played by Toby Stephens), bursts in to a meeting of the Theosophical Society where Edward Gardner (Clive Merrison) is showing a slide of one of the Cottingley photographs as proof of the existence of faeries.2 Castle proceeds to demonstrate that the image is a fallacy, and that the faeries are quite evidently cardboard cut-outs. His intervention breaks up the meeting and we are introduced to Sir Arthur Conan Doyle (Edward Hardwicke), a member of the society, who extends some words of solace to Gardner and the audience: ‘We’re travelling in the dark. We must expect to bark our shins now and again. We are pioneers exploring the borderland between this world and a better one.’ In this three-minute scene the Cottingley story, and the involvement of Gardner and Doyle, is distilled and made to seem preposterous. The photographs are quite evidently fake and, seen from the rationalist perspective of Charles Castle, the Theosophist belief in such supernatural entities is deemed ridiculous – a refuge of naive superstition. The rest of the film is concerned with overturning this viewpoint, as Castle discovers that photographs taken by two other girls appear to show real humanoid — faerie — entities. He travels to their village and proceeds in an attempt to photograph the faeries, but only succeeds in encountering them whilst in an altered state of consciousness brought about by the consumption of a mysterious white flower. 

While the film is not about the Cottingley faeries, it is quite evidently using the trope of the story (as was Szilagyl’s novel) to create the narrative. When Castle travels to the village he encounters the girls Ana and Clara — patently representatives of Elsie and Frances (although they are sisters in the book and film); they are several years apart and seem to spend much of their time communing with nature (in the film a woodland rather than the beck at Cottingley). What the film so skilfully depicts is the nature of interaction with the faeries — they can only be perceived during an altered state of consciousness, brought about by the consumption of the white flower. The photographic equipment Castle brings to the woodland to capture images of the faeries never really works — they can only be truly seen once the consciousnesses of the girls and Castle are in the correct state for it to happen. Whilst the relationship of photographic images depicting faeries in the film is very different to what happened at Cottingley, there is, in the film, an intuitive (explicate or implicate) portrayal of human consciousness being able, under certain circumstances, to see the unseeable, and that capturing the unseeable on photographic plates may or may not be possible. The white flower is a proxy for this to happen, an artistic device to render altered states of consciousness. But in the early 20th century the ability to discern non-human intelligent entities such as the faeries was known simply as clairvoyance. It has become an unfashionable word, but its intrinsic meaning was well understood at the time of the events at Cottingley, and there seem to have been at least two people engaged in clairvoyant activity in the beck. 

Frances Griffiths

Frances Griffiths was nine years old when she arrived in Cottingley in the Spring of 1917, after spending most of her life in South Africa. In her memoirs, written over sixty years later, she makes light of what must have been a dramatic, and potentially traumatic, change in her life.3 But she was an outsider in a strange environment, suddenly finding herself lodged in a bedroom with her older cousin Elsie and having to adjust to a cold, extended Yorkshire Winter. Whilst the contents of a memoir written so long after the events it describes needs to be treated with caution, it does seem to have been compiled from earlier written reminiscences, and there is a consistency in Frances’ description of events that seem relatively authentic. Within fourteen pages she is already describing how she first saw a faerie-type entity in Cottingley Beck:

I suppose I must have been day dreaming one day when I looked across the beck and saw a willow leaf twirling around rapidly, moving as it were, on its own… I had never seen a leaf do that before, but then everything here was new to me… That was the beginning, although at the time I didn’t realise it. The leaf was being held by a little man. The first time I saw the little man – he was about eighteen inches high – he was walking purposefully down the bank on the willow side of the beck, holding a willow leaf in his hand, twiddling it very fast as he crossed the water to the other side.4

The day dreaming element of Frances’ description is important in relation to the nature of clairvoyance, and how this type of altered state of consciousness may be an access-point to potentially numinous experiences. Frances was in a new environment, and the beck probably seemed quite magical as Spring broke through it. For a few weeks she had it mostly to herself as Elsie was working during the days, and it seems that she continued to see faerie-type entities. Frances suggests they would notice her, and look at her, but there was never any audial communication. The only sound she describes is ‘a high-pitched sound, similar to a ringing in one’s ear.’ Other than this the encounters were visual only and seem to describe the same entities over a period of time. The original ‘little man’ was soon joined by a number of compatriots:

Once I saw him leading three or four little men who were dressed as he was, in green jerkin and darker-coloured green loose-fitting tights – rather like our young people wear their Levis today! They all walked very purposefully and when they had crossed the beck they turned towards the right. I watched them until they went behind a clump of willow herb and were lost from sight.5

Apart from the little men, Frances also described ‘conventional faeries’, although she never explained exactly what these were. The insinuation is that they were the winged faeries depicted in the photographs. Interestingly, Frances never describes seeing the faeries with Elsie. Her language about this is often ambiguous, such as when she talks of the adults teasing both of them about seeing faeries, suggesting that Elsie was also seeing Frances’ entities. But there is no explicit reference in Frances’ memoirs or later interviews that she and Elsie saw the faeries together. In a letter to Gardner, Elsie repeats a line she had used in several interviews, that the images were ‘photographs of figments of our imagination’ — a cleverly worded sidestep in itself that could be interpreted several ways.6 But in the same letter she writes that Frances was angry with the phrase, and had castigated Elsie, asking: ‘What did you say that for? You know very well they [the faeries] were real.’ If Elsie had not seen the faeries with Frances, why would Frances be so annoyed at Elsie’s ambiguous words? Perhaps Frances simply expected Elsie to accept her own encounters with the faeries. But it does seem that Elsie was at least with Frances in the beck when the younger girl saw faeries. 

They were certainly together to take all the photographs in 1917 and 1920, including the final fifth photograph, which is perhaps the most interesting of the set, as it wasn’t contrived by Elsie, and seems to have been taken by Frances at the end of a wet day wandering around the beck, with both girls worrying about the responses of Gardner and Conan Doyle to the previous photographs. Frances describes seeing a bird’s nest on the ground:

My camera was loaded  and the plate ready for taking, and on an impulse I pointed the lens towards the bird’s nest, pulled out the bellows and took a 5 second — I think — shot. It was done without a thought… That was the fifth photograph.7

This photograph is very different than the other four and does seem to show amorphous humanoid entities, although this might be put down to pareidolia, or even a double exposure with blurred images from Elsie’s cut outs. Either way, the fifth photograph may be seen as a better representation of the types of entities Frances described as seeing in the beck between 1917 and 1920. But, in Frances’ own words, she thought the photographs — and what they may or not prove, and whether they were faked or not — less important than her own real psychic experiences:

This is where I feel angry with Sir Arthur Conan Doyle and Edward Gardner. They never sought for any explanation of fairy life. It was enough that they could get the copyright for the photographs we took, and later use them on world tours lecturing on something neither they — nor I — knew anything about. If they had only suggested some ways of finding out more about ‘my’ little men and the fairies, who knows what might have been discovered!8

Geoffrey Hodson

In the Summer of 1921 the girls were redrafted in to a new investigation at the beck as Edward Gardner turned up in Cottingley with a new camera and plates. Shortly after, on 6 August, Geoffrey Hodson (along with his wife) came to the village in order to undertake further psychic appraisals.9 Hodson had been chosen by Conan Doyle for the task, and seems to have been, at that time, an upcoming member of the Theosophical Society, with clairvoyant abilities.10 Hodson was thirty-five and had been involved in action as a Tank Commander in the Tank Corps during the final days of WWI, just three years previously in 1918.11 Hodson spent two weeks at Cottingley with the girls and reported back to Conan Doyle on his experiences, which were then edited in to chapter five of The Coming of the Fairies, the following year.12 It is quite clear that Hodson believed he was encountering an array of non-human intelligent entities in the beck, and that both girls were also seeing them. The chapter is a simple explanation of where they saw the faeries and the different types of entities that seemed to inhabit the beck. It needs to be read in full for a true understanding of how full-on Hodson was, but an example from 12 August gives an impression of the whole:

Two tiny wood elves came racing over the ground past us as we sat on a fallen tree trunk. Seeing us, they pulled up short about five feet away, and stood regarding us with considerable amusement but no fear. They appeared as if completely covered in a tight fitting one-piece skin, which shone slightly as if wet. They had hands and feet large and out of proportion to their bodies… There were a large number of these figures racing about the ground. Their noses appeared almost pointed and their mouths wide. No teeth and no structure inside the mouth… It was as if the whole were made up of a piece of jelly. Surrounding them, as an etheric double surrounds a physical form, is a greenish light, something like chemical vapour.13

The entities then sank below the ground. This particular incident seems to have been witnessed by only Hodson and Frances, but many of the other sightings involve both girls, and it is clear that the three of them spent a lot of time together in the beck attempting to discern the faerie-type entities that would manifest there. Hodson wrote further about his expedition to Cottingley in two books, The Kingdom of the Gods and The Fairies at Work and Play, and his thoughts were again recorded in an interview just before he died; he was always consistent in what he saw with the girls at Cottingley.14 But Elsie and Frances were not complimentary about Hodson, when interviewed many years later in 1976. Frances went as far as to call him ‘a phoney.’ However, in the same interview they also suggested they all did see faeries during Hodson’s stay.15 In fact, in both girls’ dispositions on Hodson and his visit, on the rare occasions they mentioned it, seem rather nervy. They did not seem to know what to make of him, and it may be that his Theosophical outlook was a philosophical mindset that was simply beyond them. Frances saw faeries, Elsie may have seen them, but the quest for an ontological reality of the entities never seemed to have entered their minds, whereas for Hodson (as well as Gardner and Conan Doyle) this was the primary interest. Elsie even suggested (in a 1983 conversation with Marjorie Johnson, honorary secretary of the Fairy Investigation Society, and author of Seeing Fairies) that they had only spent three days with Hodson in the beck, whereas it is quite evident from Hodson’s report, and Gardner’s notes, that he was with the girls for two weeks, and spent almost every day with them in the beck.16 

Hodson appears to have been a man with genuine psychic abilities — he was what Bill Keidan (Hodson’s online biographer) terms an ‘illumined occultist.’ He spent the rest of his long life producing a prodigious amount of books and articles on a wide-range of esoteric subjects from reincarnation to the Angelic Kingdom, which were well thought of in Theosophical and esoteric circles. He also collaborated with scientists on a spectrum of surprising subject matter from sub-atomic physics to anthropology, gaining genuine respect for his (non-scientific) insights into quantum mechanics and the potential consciousnesses of early hominids.17 Hodson does not seem to have been a fraud. He would appear to have been a genuine clairvoyant, who simply reported what he perceived. But what does clairvoyance mean, and were Frances’ and Hodson’s clairvoyant experiences with faeries at Cottingley Beck the same thing?

Clairvoyance and Faerie-Type Entities

In his later writings, Hodson would often describe clairvoyance as ‘thought forms’, which manifested during certain states of consciousness that were either inherent to an individual or which could be learnt. These forms could often take the aspect of non-human intelligent entities, such as faeries. This does not mean they are figments of imagination, but rather that they are, at some level, real and able to be seen and encountered whilst a person is in the appropriate state of consciousness. Hodson’s extensive writings describe the different types of faerie-type entities he experienced throughout his life. His prose-style can seem a little opaque at times, but his sincerity and dedication to investigating what he would often term the occult realms are indisputable. In one of his most wide-ranging books, The Kingdom of the Gods (first published in 1952), he succinctly — albeit in his usual, gnomic (pun intended) language — describes the clairvoyance, or seership, that allowed him to interact with non-material intelligent entities:

As part of the unfoldment of the human intellect into omniscience, the development occurs at certain stages of human evolution of the faculty of fully-conscious, positive clairvoyance. This implies an extension, which can be hastened by means of self-training, of the normal range of visual response to include both visual rays beyond the violet and, beyond them again, the light of the superphysical worlds…It is important to differentiate between the passive psychism of the medium, and even the extra sensory perception of parapsychology, and the positive clairvoyance of the student of Occultism. This latter, completely under the control of the will and used in full waking consciousness, is the instrument of research with which during the past thirty years I have endeavoured to enter and explore the Kingdom of the Gods.18 

Hodson’s language for describing clairvoyance correlated closely with another Theosophist (albeit dissident to the established structure of the organisation), and contemporary to the Cottingley story, Rudolf Steiner, who most often described faerie-type entities as nature spirits or elementals, basing his taxonomy of them on the 16th-century alchemist Paracelsus.19 Steiner describes how a clairvoyant can enter the world of the elementals — in normal consciousness thoughts:

… allow  themselves to be connected and separated, to be formed and then dismissed. This life of thought must develop in the elemental world a step further. There, a person is not in a position to deal with thoughts that are passive. If someone really succeeds in entering the world with his clairvoyant soul, it seems as though his thoughts were not things over which he has any command; they are living beings… You thrust your consciousness into a place, it seems, where you do not find thoughts that are like those in the physical world, but where they are living beings.20 

This became a mainstay in Theosophical ideology — clairvoyance is, in part, simply a methodology for interacting with elementals, nature spirits, faeries (or whatever desired terminology is used to describe these beings), and it allows a person to see entities that are not normally available to everyday consciousness. Hodson’s testimony from his time at Cottingley is certainly an example of someone who was using his apparent clairvoyant abilities to interact with, or at least view, incarnate entities.21 

A few years earlier WY Evans-Wentz, in his 1913 publication The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries, was recording similar testimonies from people in the Celtic nations, who were not aligned with the Theosophical movement, but seem the have had much the same mindset when it came to the faeries.22 These people were usually called seers (as Hodson himself often described clairvoyants). Evans-Wentz met one such (anonymous in the text, but evidently George William Russell, aka “AE”) Irish seer in Rosses Point, County Sligo. He talked about various types of faeries that inhabited the landscape of Sligo, making them sound like a cross between nature spirits and mystical visions. But Evans-Wentz was just as interested in the mechanics of interacting with the faeries as he was with the stories themselves. How did the seer interface with them?

I have always made a distinction between pictures seen in the memory of nature and visions of actual beings now existing in the inner world. We can make the same distinction in our world: I may close my eyes and see you as a vivid picture in memory, or I may look at you with my physical eyes and see your actual image. In seeing these beings of which speak, the physical eyes may be open or closed: mystical beings in their own world and nature are never seen with the physical eyes… I usually find it possible to throw myself into the mood of seeing; but sometimes visions have forced themselves upon me.23

Over two centuries earlier, Robert Kirk was describing much the same form of seership amongst certain inhabitants in and around Aberfoyle in Scotland, usually described as the second sight.24 The Theosophists of the early 20th century appear to have been unaware of Kirk’s Secret Commonwealth, but the basic mechanics of seeing and encountering faerie-type entities through clairvoyant attributes were much the same. Were the Cottingley girls clairvoyant, in the way described by Kirk, Steiner, Russell and Hodson? It would be easier to think of Frances as a clairvoyant than Elsie, but even then this might be stretching the credentials of a young girl who simply saw faeries that should not have been part of the material world. Frances certainly never described herself as having any special psychic abilities, and her later scepticism of Hodson may have been, in part, to distance herself from the rubrics of Theosophy and the Fortean qualities of clairvoyance. But there are a few clues that might suggest Frances was able to enter an altered state of consciousness, which enabled her to engage with supernatural entities. Her describing being in a day dream state when she first saw the faerie man in the beck indicates a meditative state, and in the addenda to her memoirs, her daughter Christine states: ‘Strangely, she told me later that she didn’t see them straight on, but obliquely.’25 Christine also suggests that Frances may have had certain telepathic abilities from a young age, when: ‘she had got into the habit of closing her mind to stop others from hearing what she was thinking.’26 The insinuation is that Frances may have been more of a clairvoyant in the mold of Hodson than she realised. Or perhaps she was just another person who occasionally slipped into an altered state of consciousness and saw faeries.

The connection between encountering faerie-type entities and being in an altered, or non-ordinary state of consciousness is well attested in both historic and modern accounts. The folklore is replete with protagonists being agitated, depressed, blissful, confused, anxious, meditative, ecstatic or ill before they become embroiled in a faerie encounter.27 And modern faerie encounters are similarly most often accompanied by descriptions of the experiencer feeling different in some way from their everyday state of consciousness, as can be seen, for example, in the two censuses carried out by Simon Young for the Fairy Investigation Society.28 These altered states become greatly magnified when they have been induced through the consumption or injection of psychedelic drugs. N,N-Dimethyltryptamine (DMT), especially, is almost guaranteed to throw the participant’s consciousness in to an entirely parallel reality where there will be entities awaiting, frequently faerie-type entities.29 Clairvoyance is just one special type of altered state — defined by the likes of Steiner, Russell and Hodson — but perhaps accessible to everyone, and certainly to sensitive types such as Frances (and perhaps Elsie) when environmental and psychological conditions are conducive. 

In the film Photographing Fairies,  the altered state/clairvoyant trope was enabled by the consumption of the psychotropic white flower. This allowed a cinematographic shortcut to describe how the faeries were perceived — it was a code for clairvoyance that would otherwise have been too cumbersome to detail in the limited time the film had to tell the story. In the Cottingley story (mirrored by the film) clairvoyance was central; not brought about suddenly by a magical flower, but rather the constant background radiation to the sensation and hype caused by the photographic images. While Hodson termed his experiences in Theosophical language, Frances was more straightforward, and yet they were ultimately describing the same clairvoyant encounters with non-corporeal, faerie-type entities in the beck over the course of four years. Of course, if we accept, at some level, the reality of clairvoyance in perceiving these entities, we are then obliged to ask what the entities are at an ontological level. This is a vast, and perhaps an unanswerable question, but a recent three-point descriptor in a paper by David Luke30 manages to encapsulate what clairvoyant experiences with faeries might be (as long as deception is ruled out), even though he was attempting to understand the nature of the entities encountered under the influence of DMT:

  1. They are hallucinations. The entities are subjective hallucinations. Such a position is favoured by those taking a purely (materialist-reductionist) neuropsychological approach to the phenomena.
  2. They are psychological/transpersonal manifestations. The communicating entities appear alien but are actually unfamiliar aspects of ourselves, be they our reptilian brain or our cells, molecules or sub-atomic particles.
  3. The entities exist in otherworlds and can interact with our physical reality. A numinous experience provides access to a true alternate dimension inhabited by independently existing intelligent entities in a stand-alone reality, which exists co-laterally with ours, and may interact with our world when certain conditions are met. The identity of the entities remains speculative.

Points 2 and 3 do sound like Theosophy in updated language. They certainly might explain the experiences of Frances Griffiths and Geoffrey Hodson at Cottingley, whilst at the same time allowing for the possibility of point 1. While the (first four) photographs were a deceit perpetrated by Elsie and Frances, the apparent interactions with faerie-type entities described by Frances and Hodson seem genuine. Their clairvoyance (or altered states of consciousness) sanctioned encounters with these entities in Cottingley Beck. Perhaps if we can put to one side the exquisite deception of the photographs, we might understand that the real Cottingley story involved a young girl and a thirty-five year old man tapping into the numinous and seeing the unseeable. 

Footnotes

  1. Steve Szilagyi, Photographing Fairies, (New York: Ballantine Books, 1992). ↩︎
  2. A detailed analysis of the film can be found in: Neil Rushton, ‘Handmaidens of the Eternal: Consciousness and Death in Photographing Fairies’, in Fairy Films: Wee Folk on the Big Screen, ed. Joshua Cutchin (Educated Dragon Publishing, 2023). ↩︎
  3. Frances Griffiths and Christine Lynch, Reflections on the Cottingley Fairies (Belfast: JMJ, 2009). ↩︎
  4. Griffiths, Reflections, 14. ↩︎
  5. Griffiths, Reflections, 15. ↩︎
  6. Joe Cooper, The Case of the Cottingley Fairies (London: Pocket Books, 1997), 196. ↩︎
  7. Griffiths, Reflections, 58. ↩︎
  8. Griffiths, Reflections, 16. ↩︎
  9. Cooper, Case of the Cottingley Fairies, 84-85. ↩︎
  10. Toshio Akai, ‘The Cottingley Fairies Photographs and Spirit Photography’, Proceedings of the Faculty of Humanities and Sciences, Kobe Gakuin University 19 (1999), 48. Available at https://www.academia.edu/9089443/The_Cottingley_Fairies_Photographs_and_Spirit_Photography ↩︎
  11. Bill Keidan (2013), ’An Esoteric Resource on the Life and Work of Geoffrey Hodson’
     http://www.geoffreyhodson.com/Appendices.html ↩︎
  12. Arthur Conan Doyle, The Coming of the Fairies (New York: Doran, 1922), 108-22. ↩︎
  13. Doyle, Coming of the Fairies, 110-11. ↩︎
  14. Geoffrey Hodson, The Kingdom of the Gods (Adyar: The Theosopohical Publishing House, 1999, 1st pub. 1952), 123-24; Geoffrey Hodson, The Fairies at Work and Play (Adyar: The Theosophical Publishing House, 1976, 1st pub. 1925), 74-75; Cooper, Case of the Cottingley Fairies, 92-94. ↩︎
  15. Cooper, Case of the Cottingley Fairies, 87. ↩︎
  16. Marjorie Johnson was very indignant at the girls for misrepresenting Hodson in this respect and their general assassination of his character in later life. Her view on the Cottingley story is an interesting addition to the mythology — Marjorie T Johnson, Seeing Fairies (San Antonia: Anomalist Books, 2014), 279-85. ↩︎
  17. Keidan, ‘Geoffrey Hodson’ http://www.geoffreyhodson.com/Clairvoyant-Investigations-2.html ↩︎
  18. Hodson, Kingdom of the Gods, 10-11. ↩︎
  19. Neil Rushton (2019), ‘Paracelsus, Nature Spirits and Faeries’ https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2019/11/17/paracelsus-nature-spirits-and-faeries/ Steiner was always content to classify nature spirits and elementals as within the same taxonomy of incorporeal entities, but some other Theosophists, such as Charles Leadbetter, made a distinction that further codifies them between material and non-material beings… ‘Elementals are ‘the thought-forms of the Great Beings or angels who are in charge of the evolution of the vegetable kingdom’. Nature spirits are ‘real’ living creatures, but in a different line of evolution from humans.’ Kaori Inuma, in this volume. ↩︎
  20. Rudolf Steiner, ‘Perception of the Elemental World (1913)’, in Nature Spirits (Forest Row: Rudolf Steiner Press, 1995), 177-78. ↩︎
  21. An illuminating update to the Theosophical concept of clairvoyance and communication with non-material entities can be found in: Marko Pogaćnik, Nature Spirits and Elemental Beings: Working with the Intelligence in Nature (Findhorn: Findhorn Press, 1996). ↩︎
  22. WY Evans-Wentz, The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries (Franklin Lakes, NJ: New Page Books, 2004, 1st published 1913). ↩︎
  23. Evans-Wentz, The Fairy-Faith, 87-88. ↩︎
  24. Neil Rushton (2016) ‘The Secret Commonwealth’ https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2016/07/31/the-secret-commonwealth/ ↩︎
  25. Griffiths, Reflections, 89. ↩︎
  26. Griffiths, Reflections, 114. ↩︎
  27. The 17th-century story of Ann Jefferies is particularly instructive on this point. See, Simon Young, Ann Jefferies and the Fairies: A Source Book for a Seventeenth-Century Cornish Fairy Witch (Pwca Books and Pamphlets, 2023). ↩︎
  28. Simon Young, Fairy Census 1 and 2 (2017 and 2024): https://www.fairyist.com/survey/read-the-fairy-census-1-and-2/ ↩︎
  29. Neil Rushton, ‘Faerie-Type Entities and the DMT Experience: An Ontological Survey,’ Psychedelic Press 40 (2023), 51-63. ↩︎
  30. David Luke, ‘Discarnate Entities and Dimethyltryptamine (DMT): Psychopharmacology, Phenomenology and Ontology’, Journal of the Society for Psychical Research 75 (2011), 26-42. Available at: https://dmttimes.com/david-luke-papers-and-articles/2020/1/2/discarnate-entities-and-dimethyltryptamine-dmt-psychopharmacology-phenomenology-and-ontology ↩︎

Bibliography

Akai, Toshio, ‘The Cottingley Fairies Photographs and Spirit Photography’, Proceedings of the Faculty of Humanities and Sciences, Kobe Gakuin University 19 (1999), 37-53. Available at https://www.academia.edu/9089443/The_Cottingley_Fairies_Photographs_and_Spirit_Photography

Conan Doyle, Arthur. The Coming of the Fairies (New York: Doran, 1922).

Cooper, Joe. The Case of the Cottingley Fairies (London: Pocket Books, 1997).

Evans-Wentz, WY. The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries (Franklin Lakes, NJ: New Page Books, 2004, 1st published 1913).

Griffiths, Frances and Christine Lynch, Reflections on the Cottingley Fairies (Belfast: JMJ, 2009).

Hodson, Geoffrey. The Fairies at Work and Play (Adyar: The Theosophical Publishing House, 1976, 1st pub. 1925).

Hodson, Geoffrey. The Kingdom of the Gods (Adyar: The Theosopohical Publishing House, 1999, 1st pub. 1952).

Johnson, Marjorie T. Seeing Fairies (San Antonia: Anomalist Books, 2014), 279-85.

Keidan, Bill (2013), ’An Esoteric Resource on the Life and Work of Geoffrey Hodson’. Available at: http://www.geoffreyhodson.com

Luke, David. ’Discarnate Entities and Dimethyltryptamine (DMT): Psychopharmacology, Phenomenology and Ontology’, Journal of the Society for Psychical Research 75 (2011), 26-42. Available at: https://dmttimes.com/david-luke-papers-and-articles/2020/1/2/discarnate-entities-and-dimethyltryptamine-dmt-psychopharmacology-phenomenology-and-ontology (Accessed December 2023).

Pogaćnik, Marko. Nature Spirits and Elemental Beings: Working with the Intelligence in Nature (Findhorn: Findhorn Press, 1996).

Rushton, Neil (2016) ‘The Secret Commonwealth’ https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2016/07/31/the-secret-commonwealth/

Rushton, Neil (2019), ‘Paracelsus, Nature Spirits and Faeries’ https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2019/11/17/paracelsus-nature-spirits-and-faeries/

Rushton, Neil. ‘Faerie-Type Entities and the DMT Experience: An Ontological Survey,’ Psychedelic Press 40 (2023), 51-63.

Rushton, Neil. ’Handmaidens of the Eternal: Consciousness and Death in Photographing Fairies’, in Fairy Films: Wee Folk on the Big Screen, ed. Joshua Cutchin (Educated Dragon Publishing, 2023).

Steiner, Rudolf. ’Perception of the Elemental World (1913)’, in Nature Spirits (Forest Row: Rudolf Steiner Press, 1995).

Szilagyi, Steve. Photographing Fairies, (New York: Ballantine Books, 1992).

Young, Simon. Ann Jefferies and the Fairies: A Source Book for a Seventeenth-Century Cornish Fairy Witch (Pwca Books and Pamphlets, 2023).

Young, Simon. Fairy Census 1 and 2 (2017 and 2024): https://www.fairyist.com/survey/read-the-fairy-census-1-and-2/

***

The cover image is Frances’ fifth photograph, as discussed in the text.

***

The two volumes of essays and sources, edited by Dr Simon Young, are available now:

***

Dead but Dreaming the novel is available now…

The Entoptic Model: Bridging Ancient Art and Consciousness

A version of this article appeared previously on Ancient Origins. While slightly peripheral to the faerie phenomenon, it does seem that the study of prehistoric rock art may provide some evidence that our ancient ancestors were interacting with faerie-type entities, and were doing so by altering their states of consciousness.

Throughout the world, prehistoric and pre-industrial shamanic cultures have rendered painted imagery onto rock faces; often in deep cave systems but also in above-ground shelters. This ‘rock art’ ranges in date from Palaeolithic designs in Europe, Australia and Asia through to the near-contemporary images of the San culture in southern Africa and the designs of indigenous cultures of North America and the Amazon basin. Until the mid-20th century the consensus anthropological view was that the rock art — while probably having magical meaning to the people who painted it — represented scenes from the natural environment, such as people, animals and landscapes. But as a greater anthropological understanding of indigenous shamanism developed, most especially through the work of Mircea Eliade and his 1951 publication Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, a new awareness evolved that the rock art produced by indigenous cultures might be the artistic result of shamanic processes, preeminently those brought about by inducing altered states of consciousness. This was mainstreamed in 1988 by the anthropologists David Lewis-Williams and Thomas Dowson in their paper for Current Anthropology: ‘The Signs of all Times: Entoptic Phenomena in Upper Palaeolithic Rock Art’, where they advance a neuropsychological model for analysing the motifs of parietal art of this period, proposing that the geometric images are in fact artistic representations of universal optical patterns, intrinsic to the human visual system, once perceived by our shamanic ancestors during altered states of consciousness. The most important element of this model is the entoptic imagery displayed in the rock art and how it matches closely the geometric patterns seen by people in modern clinical conditions who have altered their state of consciousness.    

The Entoptic Model

The word ‘entoptic’ derives from the Greek ἐντός ‘within’ and ὀπτικός ‘visual’. Entoptics usually consist of geometric patterns seen as overlays in the visual horizon. These patterns may be an array of dots, parallel lines, labyrinths, zig-zags, waving lines, etc. Sometimes they appear detached from the visual surroundings while at other times more integrated. Entoptics are usually experienced during altered states of consciousness, which may be achieved through a variety of means. The best evidence for the consistency of visual entoptics comes from clinical trials (from the 1950s onward), which analysed subjective narratives of people administered a variety of psychedelic substances. Many of these narratives described the geometric entoptics as antecedents to deeper experiences, as if they were a geometric gateway to the main substance of the experience. The entoptics were, in effect, neuropsychological codes for signalling change in the state of consciousness. 

Lewis-Williams and Dowson’s model took sketches made by people experiencing consciousness modification via psychedelic drugs in clinical trials and applied the imagery to the rock art produced by indigenous tribal communities in modern day South Africa, the Amazon and by the Native American Shoshonean Coso culture of the California Great Basin. The geometric images demonstrated extensive similarities. The rock art contained many of the geometric motifs recorded by modern trial results. These entoptics appeared to be some universal code, experienced and recorded by both modern-day psychonauts and people in indigenous communities experiencing altered states of consciousness through a variety of methods. Because the San and Coso indigenous peoples are verifiable shamanistic cultures, able to describe the meaning of the rock art of their immediate ancestors from personal viewpoints, Lewis-Williams and Dowson took their descriptions of entoptics at face value. Whether through the consumption of psychedelic compounds or dancing in a ring for hours (the San’s primary way of entering an altered state of consciousness), people in these cultures were entering a divergent reality and sometimes they recorded this reality in rock art. A lot of this was composed of entoptic imagery. 

An intensive study of this rock art by Lewis-Williams and Dowson suggested that comparisons might be made to Palaeolithic parietal art in Europe. In their 1988 paper they compared rock art (primarily in caves) from Upper Palaeolithic Europe to the San and Coso examples, as well as against the data from modern clinical trials where entoptics were reported. Using a large dataset, they found a tight correlation between the styles of entoptic designs in their African and American examples and those from the caves of Europe dating between 20 and 30,000 BCE. The rock art contained all six of the coded entoptic patterns, as designated from the clinical studies. While not universal in Palaeolithic parietal art, entoptic designs do form part of a majority of the imagery. This allowed Lewis Williams and Dowson to profile their neuropsychological model as an interdisciplinary explanation for entoptics, whether recorded as experiential reports from a modern clinical trial or in Palaeolithic rock art. With the oral testimonies and relatively recent rock art from the San and Coso cultures, both of which are shamanic and use various techniques to alter states of consciousness, the dataset allowed a testable model, which might help bridge a gap of tens of thousands of years.

Lewis-Williams and Dowson assumed four main elements to their model: 1. Entoptic phenomena occur universally in altered states of consciousness; 2. The people producing rock art used one or more techniques for altering states of consciousness; 3. A quantity of Upper Palaeolithic rock art represents the entoptic phenomena experienced during altered states of consciousness; 4. The visual content during an altered state of consciousness may vary with the cultural context but the basic features of the experience, such as entoptics, are a universal and have been repeated through time. 

This model does sit well with the evidence presented by Lewis-Williams and Dowson. But introducing the known phenomenon of entoptic visuals in an attempt to explain the previously indecipherable geometric painted patterns from distant prehistory represents a radical reinterpretation of the rock art data. It appeared as if there were a genuine link between shamanic cultures separated by tens of thousands of years and altered states of consciousness, which might be experienced by anyone, at any time, if conditions are met. But as with any model that challenges the mainstream orthodoxy it has been challenged.

The Kickback to the Entoptic Model

Using ethnographic techniques to attempt building a new model to breach the gap between Palaeolithic culture and ours was always going to cause controversy. Two of the academics who have criticised the Lewis-Williams/Dowson model are Paul Bahn (archaeologist) and Patricia Helvenston (psychologist). Their main contention is that we cannot know what sort of shamanism was practiced in the Palaeolithic period and that projecting ethnographic data back tens of thousands of years is invalid. They also contend that there is no evidence of psychotropic plants in the European Upper Palaeolithic, and that therefore there was no recognisable substance that could be used as a means for altering consciousness states, as would be necessary to adhere to Lewis-Williams and Dowson’s model. Their former point has some substance. Any attempt to explain Palaeolithic consciousness states in terms of recent ethnographical studies and modern clinical trials will invoke legitimate sceptical reactions, even when proposed by respected anthropologists and backed up by a mass of convincing data. There will always be an interpretative leap required to move away from a consensual orthodoxy to a new hypothesis, especially when dealing with such ancient cultures with no written record. 

But their second contention is inaccurate. Bahn and Helvenston contend that the neuropsychological model is dependent on entoptics produced by altered states of consciousness facilitated by LSD, Mescaline or psilocybin, and that these compounds would not have been available to European Palaeolithic artists. This is true for LSD and Mescaline but not for psilocybin. The clearest example is the psilocybin-producing mushroom Psilocybe semilanceata (commonly known as the Liberty Cap), which is native to Europe and  thrives as far north as the Arctic Circle. This would have been available as an entheogenic substance to the Palaeolithic cave painters. The mycologist Roy Watling (recently backed up by recent research by Froese, Guzmán, and Guzmán-Dávaloshas) also suggested there may have been up to thirty further species of psilocybin-producing mushrooms available in Upper Palaeolithic Europe as well as the Amanita muscaria (fly agaric) mushroom, which has also been demonstrated to induce entoptic visuals. It seems as if shamanistic cultures of Palaeolithic Europe did indeed have access to psychotropic substances, which would have produced the exact entoptic visuals we find recreated in their parietal art. They may have also been using other techniques to alter their state of consciousness, such as the rhythmic dancing of the San people. 

So, although we cannot know how Palaeolithic people were altering their states of consciousness, it is clear they certainly had the opportunity, and if they behaved as every other shamanistic culture in the anthropological record, they would have been doing so. The entoptics catalogued by Lewis-Williams and Dowson are, in effect, a code that links shaman-visions painted on cave walls from distant prehistory to the experience of indigenous cultures in Africa and the Americas, and the first stages of modern psychedelic trips by people experiencing a peripheral shamanic episode.

Reality or Illusion? Taking the Entoptic Model Further

The debate continues among anthropologists as to whether we can warrant the ethnographic-stretch that joins the experiences of altered state of consciousness across tens of thousands of years. Lewis-Williams and Dowson’s model has gained relatively wide academic acceptance, but this is mostly from the perspective of a reductionist worldview, where altered states of consciousness — whether Palaeolithic or 20th/21st century — are simply delusions produced by chemical alterations in the brain. From this viewpoint, even if the entoptic model is accurate, it is simply a model of delusional thinking carried out over a very long time-span, effected by substances (or activities) that cause hallucinatory images. This viewpoint is a standard Western academic position. Fortunately, there is a new wave of academic thinking that looks to go beyond such reductionism in an attempt to get a closer epistemological view as to what the neuropsychological model might mean to the human condition.

A foundation of the neuropsychological model is Lewis-Williams’ assertion that entoptic phenomena are: ‘visual sensations derived from within the optic system anywhere from the eyeball to the cortex.’ So while the entoptics are produced by altered states of consciousness, the model relies on them being purely the result of neurochemical changes in the brain. It is a reductionist approach, which gives no credence to the potential reality of the phenomenon. The psychologist David Luke (who specialises in the psychology of altered states of consciousness), while accepting the general remit of the entoptic, neuropsychological model and its temporal/geographical universality, has attempted to demonstrate that viewing the entoptic phenomenon as something that happens in the brain, fooling both us and our Palaeolithic ancestors by way of a simple hallucination, is not necessarily valid. Luke uses a large dataset of people who have experienced entoptics during altered states of consciousness, either through the consumption of psychedelics or through a range of other triggers. Many describe the omni-directional and trans-optic nature of the visuals, and a large minority of the testimonies are from people who have undergone an out of the body experience. For them the entoptic experience is more than a hallucination — it is a manifestation of a reality that conjoins with our usual state of consciousness and expresses itself in a manner that suggests the visuals are part of an autonomous reality. The cosmic multidimensionality of the experience means that its reality is ineffable — for modern participants this means they cannot articulate the experience, whilst Palaeolithic (and more recent) shamans were reduced to attempting to capture their enlightenment by producing 2-D rock art.   

This interpretation also brings in to play the ‘next stage’ of an experience brought about by altered states of consciousness. The entoptics were/are just primers for the more sublime experiences brought on during an altered state. Many modern testimonies describe the entoptic phase of a numinous episode as the precursor to a more intense experience that includes strange and non-human intelligent entities, some of which may be described as faerie-type entities. Likewise, much of the rock art that has entoptic designs also includes images of entities that are humanoid but evidently not human. This suggests there is an intimate connection between people experiencing altered states of consciousness, moving from entoptics to entity encounters, in time periods separated by millennia. The rock art produced by Palaeolithic shamanic cultures would appear to be a template for the future. Subsequent cultures have worked out the importance of the message — we can experience different realities under certain circumstances — but the message is subtle; the experience is dependent upon a subjective view of reality. Whatever that view is, it seems as if our Palaeolithic ancestors may have had the same route into it as we do, and that their art should be considered as an expression of the numinous (however that may be interpreted), common to all humanity through to our own time.

References

Eliade, M. 1972. Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy. Princeton University Press (first published in French in 1951)

Froese, T., Guzmán, G. & Guzmán-Dávalos, L. 2016. ‘On the Origin of the Genus Psilocybe and Its Potential Ritual Use in Ancient Africa and Europe’ . Economic Botany 70, 103–114

Hancock, G. 2005. Supernatural: Meetings with the Ancient Teachers of Mankind. Century, London

Helvenston, P and Bahn, P, et al. 2003. ‘Testing the Three Stages of Trance Model.’ Cambridge Archaeological Journal 13, 213-24

Lewis-Williams, D. 2002. The Mind in the Cave. Thames & Hudson, London

Lewis-Williams, D and Dowson, T. 1988. ’The Signs of All Times:Entoptic Phenomena in Upper Palaeolithic Art’, Current Anthropology 29, 201-45.

Luke, D. 2010. ‘Rock Art or Rorschach: Is there more to Entoptics than meets the Eye’, Time and Mind: The Journal of Archaeology, Consciousness and Culture 3, 9-28.  

Luke, D. 2017. Otherworlds: Psychedelics and Exceptional Human Experience. Muswell Hill Press, London

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Dead but Dreaming the novel, is available now.

Handmaidens of the Eternal: Consciousness and Death in the Film ‘Photographing Fairies’

This article is from Fairy Films: Wee Folk on the Big Screen, edited by Joshua Cutchin (published in 2023). The book contains a wide range of discussions on filmic representations of the faeries by some acclaimed authors. Thanks to Joshua and the publisher for permission to republish my piece here.

Handmaidens of the Eternal: Consciousness and Death in Photographing Fairies

Neil Rushton

Introduction


“We humans are not alone. We share our planet with a quite different order of life. Fairies. They are spoken of in every culture of the world from New Zealand to the New Hebrides. Handmaidens of nature according to some, assisting in propagation and growth. Another theory: Exiles from heaven, God’s orphans straddling this world and the next; messengers between the two worlds.”


Photographing Fairies is a 1997 British film based on the 1992 novel by Steve Szilagyi.1 It was directed by Nick Willing, who also co-wrote the screenplay with Chris Harrald, and was Willing’s first outing as a film director, after previously directing music videos through the 1980s and 1990s. This background is apparent in the aura and mood of the film, which relies much on the musical backdrop to create its metaphysical atmosphere, from Simon Boswell’s original score to the frequent interjections of the Allegretto from Beethoven’s 7th Symphony.

The film also benefits from the acting acumen of Toby Stephens, Ben Kingsley, Emily Woof, Frances Barber, and Philip Davis, as well as the two child actors Hannah Bould and Miriam Grant, who seem preternaturally disposed to their roles. The exquisite cinematography of John de Borman adds much impressionistic ambience, and while the visual effects may seem somewhat primitive from the perspective of the 2020s, they retain an authenticity in line with the tenor of the film. The production company was PolyGram Filmed Entertainment (mooted as a European equivalent to Hollywood, but which folded in 1999), which joined forces with BBC Films and The Arts Council of England to fund, produce, and distribute the film. Its budget was c. $1.1 million and it made c. $4.7 million at the box office, despite receiving only limited release in cinemas.2

It is a film operating on many levels, rooted in the effects of the World War I yet managing to incorporate a myriad of cultural and supernatural tropes: the British class system, Theosophy, regional identity, religious faith, familial affiliations, the relatively new profession of photography, altered states of consciousness, and, of course, the fairies. While its love story is also a central theme, the main emphasis of the film is death. Death has long been an important province of fairy folklore, and a study of Photographing Fairies gives an opportunity to bring this into relief; to understand the relationship between the fairies, consciousness, and death.

Photographing Fairies

The standard spoiler alerts apply, but the film goes something like this (although such a brief summary cannot convey the existential magic that only watching it can transmit): Charles Castle (Toby Stephens) marries Anna-Marie (Rachel Shelley) in the Alps just prior to WWI. While taking an ill-advised walk along a high peak, the couple are trapped in a storm, sucking Anna-Marie into a crevice in the ice. She dies, leaving Castle with nothing more than a pocket-watch containing her image and a lamellophone that plays a Strauss-like musical tune. This segues into Castle in the trenches of the war, evidently not valuing his life as a bomb falls close to him while he carries out his photography of dead soldiers, heedless of the ticking explosive. Within a few minutes we have been introduced to death, both at a very personal level and also at the industrial level of WWI casualties.

In London after the war, Castle runs a photography business with his partner Roy (Philip Davis). One moving scene shows the parents of a dead soldier coming to the studio to have their photo taken with Roy, whose face is afterwards photomontaged with that of the son. As he carries out the procedure, Castle recites John 11:25: ‘I am the resurrection and the life.’ This portrays him as a somewhat hard and cynical character, magnified when he visits the headquarters of the Theosophical Society. There, Castle turns his nose up at glimpsed séances taking place in side rooms before castigating the gullibility of Gardner (Clive Merrison) as he delivers a lecture showing one of the infamous (and fake) Cottingley Fairy photos, which he proclaimed as evidence of inter-dimensional beings.

Things are about to change for Castle, however. An attendee at the lecture, Beatrice Templeton (Frances Barber), turns up at his studio with a photograph of her daughter, which seems to show an entity balancing on the palm of her hand. Castle dismisses it, but concedes to magnify the image for closer examination. When he does, he sees the image of the entity in the girl’s hand reflected laterally in her eye. It is the turning point in the film; the dissolving of his scepticism. Off he goes to the village of Birkenwell, where Beatrice lives, to find out some truths.

He meets Beatrice’s daughters (Hannah Bould and Miriam Grant) who evade his questioning, but then he agrees to meet Beatrice at what they have dubbed ‘The Great Tree’ in the local woods. She is there already, and we get our first glimpse of the unnamed white flower, which Beatrice eats to alter her state of consciousness. In her altered state, she climbs the tree and falls to her death—Castle arrives to find her body beneath the tree. This brings Anglican minister and Beatrice’s husband Reverend Templeton (Ben Kingsley) into the story, immediately rendered with Kingsley’s characteristic style: sinister, overlain with an air of compassion.

There follows an amazing five-minute scene, starting at the inn where Castle is staying. He procured one of the flowers from Beatrice’s dead hand, and after reading her description of its effects in her notebook, pops it into his mouth. The next few minutes are a portrayal of a psychedelic experience: tracers, time dilation, changes in colour, a skewed musical backdrop, and, after Castle runs to The Great Tree, a numinous episode where the fairies appear as luminous, small humanoids flying around the tree, able to penetrate matter. They are evidently only partly within physical reality.

Castle climbs the tree to get closer to them and falls, transporting him to a white-out bedroom with his deceased wife. The non-linear frames end with them making love, before she rolls over in the bed and whispers (albeit rendered with enhanced volume): “This is not a dream.” The power of this scene is difficult to convey (as is a real psychedelic experience), but changes the tenor of the film from ‘period drama’ to ‘supernatural magical realism’ in an instant.

From this moment forward, Castle knows the fairies are real. After regaining consciousness from his fall and attending Beatrice’s funeral (with a bloodied head and not all his wits), he directs Roy to bring a load of photographic equipment to Birkenwell in an attempt to capture them on film. The girls’ governess/nanny, Linda (Emily Woof) enters the story and is soon falling in love with Castle. Both she and Roy provide the grounded rational counterpoint to Castle’s new evangelical belief in the existence of the fairies… but, then again, they haven’t taken the flower.

The film quickens its pace from here: Linda falls deeper in love with Castle (unrequited, as he is still in love with his dead wife); the girls perform a very risqué pseudo-mass beneath the tree; the Reverend Templeton shows his true colours by threatening to kill Castle, whom he believes had designs on his wife; and Castle ends up taking another flower beneath the tree as Roy and Linda operate cameras to capture an image of the fairies—the results are ambiguous. Amidst this, the youngest girl, Clara, takes the flower, climbs the tree and enters ‘slow time’ (as announced by her sister Ana). She falls, but survives.

This finally leads to Templeton appearing at the tree in a disordered state, destroying the photographic equipment Castle had set up on timers to capture the fairies and cutting down and burning the tree itself. Castle arrives and once more enters an altered state of consciousness by swallowing another of flower. He sees some of the fairies on fire, attacks Templeton and accidentally pushes him onto a sharpened spike from the equipment. Templeton dies. Yet more death; but there is, of course, even more to come.

The film’s denouement comes with Castle’s trial for Templeton’s murder. He pleads guilty and delivers a speech in which he suggests that death is not what it seems: “There is another world, as close to this one as I am to you. I have seen it and I have felt its force… death is a small thing. Death is merely a change of state. The soul is a fresh expression of the self.”

Castle is convicted, and the final scene shows him being led to the prison gallows and hanged (where the minister repeats the line Castle uttered from John 11:25: “I am the resurrection and the life.”). It is a brutal end to the film (set to Beethoven’s Allegretto), but as he drops through the trap-door to his death there is one last hallucinogenic treat: a luminous fairy appears again and his consciousness is ushered back to the mountaintop with his wife. This time, he manages to save her from the fall into the crevice and they are together again in the last frame. Death is, after all, an illusion, and the fairies are arbiters between this world and the Otherworld.

Tropes, Themes and Sources

There is much to unpack from this film. The fairies themselves appear only fleetingly, and the main emphasis is on the concept of death and how it came to be perceived in the aftermath of the First World War. The counterpoints are primarily between secular rationalism, a traditional religious view (represented by Reverend Templeton), and a more animistic idea of consciousness, reliant on supernatural entities to ease the passage from life to death and back to a new transcendence. This is achieved in a number of ways. Perhaps the best starting point is to assess how the secular reductionism prevalent in the years after the war conflicted with the revived Theosophical movement, which sought to give hope of a supernatural reality to the millions of people who had lost loved ones in the carnage of the Great War.

The Theosophical Society was founded in 1875 in the United States by Russian immigrant Helena Petrovna Blavatsky along with Americans Henry Olcott and William Quan Judge.3 They described the Theosophy movement as an occult esoteric philosophy, which taught that a secretive order of adepts, or masters, existed throughout the world, with access to supernatural wisdom which they were able to disseminate via Blavatsky. In the decades following its founding the society underwent numerous schisms as differing belief systems diluted the original vision into factions, and as Theosophy spread to other countries, it became sometimes unrecognisable from its initial incarnation. Rudolf Steiner was one prominent adherent to Theosophy in the early 20th century who became disillusioned with the constant manoeuvring of precepts, and so founded his own (Theosophy-based) Anthroposophical Society in 1913.4 His ideas about how to interact with the fairies (‘elementals’ or ‘nature spirits’ as he termed them, following the 16th-century alchemist Paracelsus) were an important influence on later occult groups.5

But in Britain, after the First World War, the Theosophical Society had quickly integrated many aspects of Spiritualism, most especially mediumship (relying on psychics able to directly contact the dead) and the concept of supernatural entities existing alongside physical reality, who were sometimes able to interact with it. With so many grieving in the aftermath of the war, the movement gained popular traction as people sought to reassure themselves of a transcendent supernatural reality in the face of the mass death brought about by the conflict. For over a decade after the end of the war, Theosophically-tinged Spiritualism threatened to overtake traditional religion as the default belief system.

And so we find Charles Castle making his visit to the Theosophical Society headquarters in 1920 London. As with so much in the film, there is a subtlety of approach: the inscribed brass plaque outside the society’s HQ is only glimpsed in a few frames as he enters, and to the uninitiated, it would be missed or mean nothing. He passes a couple of rooms where séances are in progress, with the distinct insinuation they are fraudulent. He curls his lip and proceeds to the main event: a lecture where the audience is being assured that a final proof of the existence of fairies has been discovered.

Here is another subtlety. While the film is not about the Cottingley Fairies—although it does hold many similarities to the story, and the two young girls, Ana and Clara, are evidently based in part on the Cottingley children Elsie Wright and Frances Griffiths—the lecture shows Gardner presenting one of the Cottingley photographs as proof of inter-dimensional beings in our midst: “We humans are not alone. We share our planet with a quite different order of life. Fairies… the handmaidens of nature… messengers between the worlds” (Gardner is based on Edward Gardner, a member of the executive committee of the Theosophical Society).

Castle interrupts proceedings and demonstrates the fallacy of the image from a photographic perspective. His intervention breaks up the meeting and we are introduced to Sir Arthur Conan Doyle (Edward Hardwicke), a member of the society, who extends some words of solace to Gardner and his audience: “We’re travelling in the dark. We must expect to bark our shins now and again. We are pioneers exploring the borderland between this world and a better one.”

The trope of Theosophy/Spiritualism seems to have been discredited as a deluded belief system on par with Castle’s customers, the parents who were happy to have a photomontaged fake photo of their son from the earlier scene. But there is evidently an undercurrent to the phenomenon; the balance of rational scepticism against supernatural belief is about to be tipped. It’s easy to mock gullible people believing in ghosts and fairies, but one of the most important elements of the film is how it draws us into that reductionist mindset before pulling it apart to reveal something more dynamic. This is achieved, in part, through the trope of distillation through the photographic record. The theme of photography is core to the film’s narrative. The first scene shows Castle setting up a camera to capture his own wedding, he is evidently employed in WWI’s trenches to photograph the dead, he runs a photography studio after the war, and the Cottingley incident itself was based on the photos of Elsie Wright and Frances Griffiths with their fairies.6

These scenes all suggest that photography—still a relatively new technology in the first decades of the 20th century—provides an absolute, impartial record of reality, and that when events are faked (as per the Cottingley fairies) photographs offer confirmation, provided photographic expertise is deployed. The photographic record is unimpeachable. Therefore, when Castle blows up the image of Templeton’s daughter holding the blurred fairy on her palm and notices its presence in a reflection on her eye, we immediately realise that, due to its physicality captured on film, there may be something supernatural which is nonetheless real.

This is brought to fruition when Castle brings a full kit of photographic equipment to The Great Tree in order to photograph the fairies, which he has already seen. The technical details for the job are described by Castle to a suspicious and sceptical Roy. Something fast-moving needs to be captured: “Hence the special emulsions and lenses. We’ll be using fast shutter speeds and flashes throughout.” The scientific method is employed to record something beyond physical reality. Photography, already demonstrated as a means of capturing the mundane, is to be used as the ultimate method of proving the supernatural’s existence. By the time Castle gets Roy and Linda to take photographs of him communing with the fairies at The Great Tree (after taking the consciousness-altering flower), we are in no doubt that the absolutism of photography is the means through which the truth will be told. If a photographic image shows something, it must be true.

But, of course, the resulting images, while intriguing, are indecisive. Even Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, when shown the photographs of Castle surrounded by light-emitting fairies, is unconvinced. It turns out that photographs are not definitive arbiters of truth after all. By the time Reverend Templeton destroys Castle’s photographic equipment beside the tree, we are confronted by a complex dichotomy. Photography is scientific; it is a means to capture an absolute record. But here it is used to give testimony to something outside physical reality. This highlights another important trope in the film: faith.

In some ways Castle has put his faith in the photographic testimony. Throughout the film he uses photography to arbitrate reality. It is the means with which he understands the world and records it. By the time he comes up against Reverend Templeton, he has already shifted his faith, so that instead of using his photographic knowledge to debunk fraudulence—as in the Cottingley images—he utilises it in an attempt to prove the existence of supernatural entities. This brings him into direct conflict with Templeton’s absolute Christian faith. The friction between the two can be seen as that between a pagan animism and a faith-based Christianity. Templeton makes several pronouncements on the need for faith and has no time for any investigation of anything outside of doctrine.

A pivotal example of his attitude appears during an exchange between the two while sacking up flour, milled from the recent harvest in the village. Templeton throws down sacks of flour from the upper loading door of the storage barn to Castle, and they exchange a terse dialogue, ending with Castle being floored by a full flour sack:

TEMPLETON: Are you going to turn our woods into a laboratory? You can’t capture God with a camera.
CASTLE: It’s not God I’m looking for.
TEMPLETON: It’s not proof you need, it’s faith.
CASTE: Tell me about your faith reverend.
TEMPLETON: Faith? It’s what a man must live by.
CASTLE: Sometimes a man can hide behind it.

When Templeton destroys the photographic equipment, chops down the tree and is accidentally impaled after his fight with Castle, he still refuses to accept any belief-system not built on faith in God, even as he takes his last breath. Castle implores him to swallow the flower, but he does not want any type of gnosis. Templeton represents an ingrained Christian worldview built on faith, which cannot allow any intrusion from a metaphysics outside its system, even when offered the opportunity to embrace it directly. This theme of faith in the film finds a counterpoint in the gnosticism of explicit experience—experience presenting the fairies as its primary element.

The fairies (despite only making fleeting appearances in the film, totalling less than four minutes) are the primary movers in the plot-line. A bona-fide folklorist might criticise their representation as winged beings, and point out that folkloric fairies, while often able to fly, were never described as having wings in the traditional record. While there are instances of winged fairies from as early as the 17th century, their portrayal as aileron creatures dates mostly to 19th century artists such as John Atkinson Grimshaw and Richard Doyle (uncle of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle), further popularised by J.M. Barrie’s Tinkerbell in the early 20th century.7 This type of fairy has, of course, been mainstreamed by the Disney version of Peter Pan and the subsequent morphing of folkloric fairies into the winged entities of popular culture.

But while the film’s depiction of the fairies does show them buzzing through the air in the manner of dragonflies (the buzz itself is a clever and sensual auditory addition), they are evidently sourced from more legitimate folkloric roots. On the few occasions they are seen in close-up, the fairies appear more like Brian Froud-designed entities than Tinkerbell.8 They are mostly amorphous, naked females (although there is also a portly, bald male) with a sinister edge. They have no compunction about dealing Castle some blows as they penetrate his material body and even climb out of his mouth. Although they never speak, they seem suspicious of his motives and don’t mind harm coming to him. They predicate Beatrice’s death, and even allow her young daughter, Clara, to fall from the tree during her communion with them.

These are the fairies of folklore; interested in humanity but mad, bad, and dangerous to know. They are rendered as winged fairies, recognisable to a modern audience, but they are based upon the supernatural characters found in thousands of folkloric stories and testimonies of people who have interacted with the fairies over centuries. Most of these people were terrified of the fairies and did what they could to propitiate them. They were alluring, but best avoided. And as in many of those stories and testimonies, the fairies make their appearance when the protagonists, by whatever means, alter their states of consciousness.

Altered States of Consciousness and the Fairies

There are three episodes in the film where an altered state of consciousness is portrayed. All are seen from Castle’s perspective after he has consumed the white flower, which seems to grow in and around The Great Tree. We also see the youngest Templeton daughter, Clara, enter ‘slow time’ after taking the flower, but her experience is implicit and viewed only by her sister and Linda as she climbs the tree, carries out a communion with the unseen fairies, then falls from a high bough. This is quite a bold move by the filmmakers, particularly in 1997—showing a young girl taking a psychedelic compound and experiencing the results, for better and worse. And the flower is certainly a psychedelic. Its provenance and attributes are never explained, but it might be seen as a discursive way to render a known psychedelic such as psilocybin or Amanita muscaria mushrooms.

The first time Castle ingests the flower we are dipped into an altered state of consciousness with him, which, in many ways, mimics a psychedelic experience. Apart from the well-constructed visual and audio gymnastics, the main design of this episode is to introduce viewers to the fairies. It is made explicit that they can only be interacted with via altered states of consciousness. Castle sees them, is knocked around by them, and then climbs The Great Tree before falling to the ground and experiencing a numinous interlude with his dead wife. When she whispers in his ear, “This is not a dream,” Castle (and we) are convinced there is a supernatural reality, which appears accessible by altering consciousness with a prescribed compound. This taps into a deep vein of both folkloric and modern testimonies of people who have encountered fairylike entities while under the influence of either a mind-altering aggregate or through more spontaneous means.9

This can be taken back a very long way. Graham Hancock has called Palaeolithic cave art “the earliest folklore,” and recent anthropological studies convincingly suggest that many of these ancient depictions of entoptic geometric patterns and humanoid entities were created by people under the influence of mind-altering substances.10 As a greater anthropological understanding of indigenous shamanism developed, most especially through the work of Mircea Eliade and his 1951 publication Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy,11 a new awareness evolved that the rock art produced by Palaeolithic cultures might be the artistic result of shamanic processes, preeminently those brought about by inducing altered states of consciousness.

This was mainstreamed in the 1980s by anthropologists David Lewis-Williams and Thomas Dowson, when they advanced a neuropsychological model for analysing the motifs of parietal art of this period, proposing that the geometric images are in fact artistic representations of universal optical patterns, intrinsic to the human visual system, once perceived by our shamanic ancestors during altered states of consciousness.12 An important element of this model is the entoptic imagery displayed in the rock art and how it matches closely the geometric patterns seen by people in modern clinical conditions who have altered their state of consciousness. But the cave art also includes copious examples of therianthropes, humanoid/animal creatures often bearing a striking resemblance to the fairies of historic folklore, as well as entities encountered in the modern era by people who have undergone a transformation of consciousness.13

There is a growing body of evidence that suggests much historic folklore can be related intimately to the type of stories told in cave art by Palaeolithic shamans, with which the descriptions are often remarkably similar. Writers such as Carlo Ginzburg and Emma Wilby have argued a direct link exists between prehistoric shamanism and the folklore embodied in classical, medieval and later periods, often incorporating entities such as nymphs and fairies: supernatural beings who interact with humanity when the conditions are right.14

Those conditions may well be reliant on the human participants undergoing an altered state of consciousness as a result of the ingestion of psychedelic compounds. There is certainly a preponderance of mushroom imagery present in historic depictions of fairies, most especially the highly psychedelic red and white Amanita muscaria (fly agaric) mushroom and the psilocybin mushroom, both prevalent throughout Europe and Asia. If these historic folkloric manifestations of interactions with supernatural entities can be linked to the cave art of prehistory and preliterate societies, then we see a continuous relationship with an alternative reality over a very long period of time. Katherine Briggs pointed out in The Fairies in Tradition and Literature that many British fairy motifs repeated in stories and anecdotes through the centuries through the present day were already in place during the medieval period.15 When folklorists began collecting these stories in earnest from the 19th century onwards, they found a belief in fairies amongst the rural population that was probably very close to the medieval belief and understanding of what fairies were, and how they interacted with humanity.

Many of the stories include situations where the protagonist interacts with the fairies in what seems an altered state of consciousness: Fairyland doesn’t comply with Newtonian physics, it is consistently inhabited by strange humanoids and therianthropes (the fairies), and there are mountains of recurring story motifs that are highly suggestive of an autonomous reality being described. But this is not consensus reality; this is folklore recording stories from people operating outside consensus reality. They may have arrived there through a variety of means apart from the ingestion of psychotropic plants or mushrooms, many of which are part of the plot device in these stories: dancing in circles, sitting out on cold hillsides, crying emotional tears, becoming panicked whilst lost… there are many ways these stories drop clues as to what is really taking place. The folktales about fairies have been overlain with much allegorical storytelling, but at their root the realities they describe are of people entering altered states of consciousness, perhaps not too far from the realities experienced by the Palaeolithic cave painters.

One folkloric story, in particular, describes an interaction with diminutive fairies following an episode that sounds like Temporal Lobe Epilepsy. This is the 17th century story of Anne Jefferies, who apparently suffered from this neurological condition and ended up consorting with the fairies during her altered state.16 It is an unusually well-documented story perhaps lending weight to the hypothesis that altered states of consciousness were responsible for many of the testimonies and stories collected from more nebulous folklore.

However, alongside the folkloric record there is the archive of European witch trials, which exist from the 16th to 18th century.17 With caveats as to the genuine nature of confessions obtained during intimidation and torture, many of the accused witches described meeting with familiars, sometimes animals, but just as often fairies, who assumed humanoid shape. This was often achieved through the use of salves, unctions and potions. Although rarely described in detail during the trials, Early-Modern authors were able to define the ingredients consumed by witches in order to alter their state of consciousness: belladonna, henbane bell, jimson weed, black henbane, mandrake, hemlock, and wolfsbane, all of which contain atropine, hyoscyamine, and scopolamine, which can cause psychotropic effects when absorbed orally or transdermally. The accused witches seem to have taken these psychotropic substances and were then able to commune with supernatural entities, some of which were recognised as fairies. While historic records of these communions can be subjected to the usual critical analyses, modern testimonies—although always anecdotal—are more immediate. People continue to witness the fairies.

This can happen spontaneously, as demonstrated by the c. 500 testimonies from the 2017 ‘census’ conducted by The Fairy Investigation Society.18 But there is an ever-burgeoning amount of evidence indicating people who have altered their states of consciousness with a wide-range of psychedelic compounds are likely to encounter fairy-like entities during their trips.19 There appears to be a clear correlation between the fairy-like creatures turning up during psychedelic episodes (most especially those instigated by the compound N,N-dimethyltryptamine [DMT]) and the beings reported in folkloric and modern fairy encounters.

Some of the best clinical evidence for these correlations is the research study conducted between 1990 and 1995 in the General Clinical Research Center of the University of New Mexico Hospital by Dr Rick Strassman, which found that volunteers injected with varying amounts of DMT underwent profound alterations of consciousness.20 This involved immediate cessation of normal consciousness and perceived transportation to a different realm of reality with divergent physical properties, inhabited by a range of creatures described as elves, fairies, lizards, reptiles, insects, aliens, clowns (yes, clowns) and various therianthropic entities. One woman even described a pulsating entity she called ‘Tinkerbell-like.’ The experiences, especially at higher doses, represented to the participants a parallel reality that was ‘super real’, i.e. not a hallucination, not a dream, but a substantially-built reality with full sensory interaction and telepathy.

The experiences reported from the study are irrational, absurd, frightening, illogical and surreal. There is no question of any of the volunteers physically leaving the hospital bed during their experiences, but for all of them (without exception) the DMT-world was every bit as real as the one their minds left behind. After the injections participants frequently talked about ‘blasting through’ or ‘breaking through a barrier,’ after which they found themselves in a realm with its own laws of physical space, movement, and its own inhabitants. There are dozens of recorded experiences from the study, and the participants all engaged in a non-physical reality directly via their consciousness, seemingly separated from their physical selves. Some of the experiences agree in type to certain aspects of the fairy phenomenon, but what the research demonstrates is that—under the right conditions—human consciousness can operate within a distinct and separate universe inhabited by a range of apparently autonomous entities. These entities may be one-and-the-same: the metaphysical beings recorded in folklore and modern fairy encounters and the beings met during various types of altered states of consciousness, brought on either actively or passively.

Since c. 2010 there has been a quickly-growing literature devoted to the fairy-types appearing in the DMT-world, and however uncomfortable it may be for people who have not taken psychedelics to accept any authenticity in these accounts, the consistency of the experiences should make us take notice and accept them as a dataset worthy of analysis.21 While it may seem a stretch to equate ‘real world’ fairy encounters with the entities turning up in a chemically-induced reality, the data insinuates very strongly that there is a parallel equivalence demanding to be taken seriously.

The producers of Photographing Fairies would have likely been unaware of Strassman’s study, but they evidently tapped into the folklore that suggests the fairies can be encountered during altered states of consciousness. The unidentified white flower is clearly a surrogate for a psychedelic substance, and the scenes where Castle consumes it (and even when Clara takes it — snaking her fingers and staring at invisible entities) demonstrate his altered state is a psychedelic episode. The scenes in which he witnesses the fairies beneath The Great Tree are replete with motifs recognisable as psychedelic: tracers, slowed-time, enhanced colours, and, of course, the appearance of supernatural entities.

Director Nick Willing and his compatriots knew what they were doing. They understood the psychedelic state and they appreciated and appropriated the folklore, which included it. The fairies exist, but consciousness needs to be tweaked to see them and interact with them. The genius of the film is to incorporate all of this into a narrative that allows anyone (whether they have experienced psychedelics or not) to be subsumed into the intimacy of the numinosity. This is brought to denouement during the final scenes, where the theme of death—ever present in the film—is incorporated into the altered state of consciousness trope. Death is, after all, the ultimate altered state, and here we understand that the fairies are the arbiters between physical reality and what lays beyond.

The Fairies and Death

When Castle clicks open his pocket watch with its Straussian tune to attract Ana and Clara, they notice the portrait of his dead wife inside. “She’s alright you know,” says Ana. The girls have taken the flower (implicitly many times) and seem aware that their communions with the fairies overlap with the world of the dead. They even set up an altar beneath The Great Tree and hold their own mass for their dead mother — the flower is centrepiece to the altar.

Apart from the death of Castle’s wife in the opening scenes, the fairies have a role in all other fatalities in the film. This is made most explicit in Castle’s own death at the end. It is unequivocal: he is executed by hanging, he enters a tunnel of light (filmed from his perspective), and a fairy appears with an expression suggesting he should have known what to expect. The fairy disintegrates, and Castle returns to the Alpine mountain—evidently now a post-mortem Otherworld—to be reunited with his wife. The film sets up the fairies as psychopomps, facilitators between this world and the next, perhaps suggesting they are in league with the dead, or even the dead themselves, manifesting as luminous entities in physical reality when certain conditions are met, or when someone’s life ends. Just as with the altered state of consciousness motif, the fairies have a deep connection with the dead in folklore, which is repurposed by the film, creating another layer of authenticity.

The relationship in folklore between the fairies and death, and/or the land of the dead, is illustrated in a variety of ways. In fact, many of the folktales and anecdotes involving fairies invoke some kind of transcendence from consensual reality—one of the most typical motifs is the dilation or expansion of time in Fairyland, rendered in the film as ‘slow time’—even if death is not an explicit part of the story. It would seem as if the fairies are with us but not with us at the same time… much like the dead.

One rooted tradition is that the fairies are the Pagan dead (or perhaps post-Purgatory Christians not good enough for heaven but too good for hell, a concept explained by Conan Doyle to Castle in the film). They live in a world of limbo occasionally coinciding with our own. A story capturing this idea well was collected by the folklorist William Bottrell in Cornwall in the early 1870s.22 In The Fairy Dwelling on Selena Moor, we find Mr. Noy, a farmer in the district of Buryan, lost and bewildered on the moors at night, a common motif in fairy folklore and perhaps an embedded code or metaphor in the story for the protagonist entering an altered state of consciousness. Noy is missing for three days before a search-party on Selena Moor finds him with his horse and dogs tied up nearby. Incredulous at the passage of time—he was convinced he had spent no more than a few hours sleeping—Noy tells the story of what happened to him after becoming disorientated on the moor. This involved meeting an old-flame, Grace, who had died three years previously. Noy recounts what she told him about her existence with the fairies:

Their mode of life seemed somewhat unnatural to her, for all among them is mere illusion or acting and sham. They have no hearts, she believed, and but little sense or feeling; what serves them, in a way, as such, is merely the remembrance of whatever pleased them when they lived as mortals—maybe thousands of years ago… “For you must remember they are not of our religion, but star-worshippers. They don’t always live together like Christians; considering their long existence such constancy would be tiresome for them.”

When Noy returns to consensus reality he explains that many of the fairies he saw:

“… bore a sort of family-likeness to people he knew, and he had no doubt but some of them were changelings of recent date, and others their forefathers who died in days of yore, when they were not good enough to be admitted into heaven, nor so wicked as to be doomed to the worst of all places. Over a while, it is supposed they cease to exist as living beings, for which reason fewer of them are now beheld than were seen in old times.

This idea was encountered many times by W.Y. Evans-Wentz as he travelled throughout Britain, Ireland, and Brittany between 1907-1911, collecting the fairy traditions that he would ultimately publish as The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries.23 The belief that the fairies were intimately connected to the dead seemed to be especially prevalent in Ireland and Brittany, where Evans-Wentz repeatedly encountered the view that they were one-and-the-same, summed up by an unnamed Dublin engineer talking about the folk traditions in his home county: “The old people in County Armagh seriously believe that the fairies are the spirits of the dead; and they say that if you have many friends deceased you have many friendly fairies, or if you have many enemies deceased you have many fairies looking out to do you harm.”

In Brittany, the fairies were known as fées or corrigans, and were usually understood as ancestral spirits, often appearing to warn of, or predict, death. Evans-Wentz found many folktales about the fées and the dead in and around the village of Carnac, where there are extensive remains of prehistoric megalithic stone rows and burial chambers. One M. Goulven Le Scour was a source of many traditions:

My grandmother, Marie Le Bras, had related to me that one evening an old fée arrived in my village, Kerouledic (Finistère), and asked for hospitality. It was about the year 1830. The fée was received; and before going to bed she predicted that the little daughter whom the mother was dressing in night-clothes would be found dead in the cradle the next day. This prediction was only laughed at; but in the morning the little one was dead in her cradle, her eyes raised toward Heaven. The fée, who had slept in the stable, was gone.24

There are many more testimonies along these lines in all the regions visited by Evans-Wentz. They are often confused and ambiguous, and some of his interviewees deny any connection between the fairies and the dead. But there is an underlying consistency in the belief, allowing Evans-Wentz to summarize: “The animistic character of the Celtic Legend of the Dead is apparent; and the striking likenesses constantly appearing in our evidence between the ordinary apparitional fairies and the ghosts of the dead show that there is often no essential and sometimes no distinguishable difference between these two orders of beings, nor between the world of the dead and fairyland.”25

This links the folklore to the psychogenesis that created it; the stories, anecdotes and testimonies are embedded with meaning. This meaning is our culture’s attempt to understand what death is and who might be around to help us, be with us, or warn us, when death is close or upon us. Folklore sends us messages which seem to infer that there are metaphysical entities more familiar with the land of the dead than we are, and that death is simply an alternative form of consciousness, available to everyone given the right circumstances, and perhaps not something to fear. Folklore portraying the fairies as inhabiting the land of the dead, and occasionally showing up in our living reality, shows them as representatives of the past and what is gone. In the same way as a memory of someone dead can be conjured up in consciousness before disappearing into the subconscious, so the fairies are able to make appearances in our collective stories that attempt to understand death and its connection with life. Their somewhat wacky behaviour perhaps exemplifies our fear of the unknown—they live in an undiscovered country, and have their own customs and rules. But it’s a place that can be accessed and brought into our comprehension of reality—physically and metaphysically—so as to come to terms with death, both our own and of others.

The folkloric relationship between the fairies and the dead are filtered throughout Photographing Fairies. Its filmic artistic licence transforms all this into a watchable piece of cinema, where the fairies become representatives of not only the supernatural but also purveyors of death. They become ‘the in-betweeners,’ partly based on the folklore but transformed into something new, which can be understood by a modern audience who may have no knowledge of fairy folklore.

But in many ways, the fairies are peripheral characters in the film. The main emphases in the story are upon death and grief, dealt with at a level that does not require supernatural entities. Castle’s attempt to come to terms with the death of his wife is the primary running theme, but the movie presents many other takes on death and grief: Castle’s ambivalence to the dead soldiers in the trenches, the parents’ stoic attempt at understanding their son’s death in the photographic studio, Templeton’s confused and wavering reaction to his wife’s death, the young girls’ apparent nonchalance to both their parents’ deaths, and Linda’s and Roy’s uncomprehending distress at Castle’s unnecessary death at the hands of the State executioner. It is only when we see the fairy usher Castle into an after life that we finally understand the necessity for supernatural arbiters between the physical and the metaphysical.

This is one of the accomplishments of Photographing Fairies—the presence of the fairies is fundamental and yet the emotional resonance of the storyline is achieved not through their appearances, but rather through a study on how various characters deal with death. The insinuation is that consciousness survives physical death and that the fairies are messengers of this fact. “We stand on the boundary,” Castle tells Doyle. “Touch them and that’s what you feel. The physical reality of the next world. A taste of heaven; a place where all wounds are healed and fractures mended. Where people are made complete.” He proposes that “the next world is as real as Clacton-on-Sea.”

This is always grounded in the everyday throughout the film, which, of course, makes the idea more persuasive. Linda sums it up as she visits Castle in his cell prior to his trial: “Out there’s the real world. With trams, and tea dances, and bills the pay, and children to raise. Where real live people fall in love with other real live people. It’s my world and I want you in it.” Linda is, indeed, the lightning rod in the film, giving a materialistic, yet sympathetic view on proceedings. She witnesses all the death (albeit second hand) and is always a conduit through which the viewer can associate, whether or not they want to believe in the fairies. Castle’s comeback to her speech in the cell is the parting of the ways between the everyday reality of Linda and the metaphysics of death: “But it isn’t the only world.”

Pulling Together the Threads — Can We Photograph Fairies?

But can the fairies be photographed? Castle’s attempts to do so are inconclusive, yet his early 20th century equipment is able to record something. This brings us to the most important question: what are these entities that have been a part of humanity for thousands of years, and where do they come from? They may be adapting to cultural codes, even evolving into new forms, but at what level of reality do they exist?

An answer may be to utilise the three-part interpretation for metaphysical entity contact proposed by David Luke, Senior Lecturer for Psychology at the University of Greenwich (based on Peter Meyer’s 2006 study).26 Luke used this rubric to assess a study into the otherworldly beings (many of which had fairy attributes) encountered by people who entered altered their states of consciousness with DMT. However, it is also a valid tool to evaluate what may be happening to anyone reporting a numinous experience that includes interaction with non-ordinary entities such as the fairies:

  1. They are subjective hallucinations without any objective reality. Such a position is favoured by those taking a purely materialist (i.e. physicalist), reductionist, neuropsychological approach to the phenomena.
  2. They are psychological/transpersonal manifestations. The communicating entities appear alien but are actually unfamiliar aspects of ourselves, be they our ‘reptilian brain’ or our cells, molecules or sub-atomic particles’.
  3. The entities objectively exist in Otherworlds and can interact with our physical reality. A numinous experience provides access to a true alternate dimension inhabited by independently existing intelligent entities in a stand-alone reality, which exists co-laterally with ours, perhaps interacting with our world when certain conditions are met. The identity of these entities remains speculative.

Of course, all three interpretations may be true at different times and under various circumstances. From a materialist-reductionist standpoint, all fairy experiences could be reduced to hallucinatory events. There is no physical residue as an after-effect of the interactions, and the reports are all limited to visual and aural experiences. While the specific adjuncts allowing for these hallucinations to take place cannot be properly analysed, seeing them all as sensory aberrations remains one legitimate interpretation. The film allows this interpretative model to any viewer unable to make the conceptual leap into accepting the existence of fairies. This explanatory model is reliant on the theory that consciousness is an epiphenomenon of the brain. The implication is that the brain, for whatever reason, is simply misconstruing sensory input from a physical world where things like fairies simply do not exist. This is the hard and fast materialist-reductionist standpoint, which is deeply embedded in Western culture.

It is also a standpoint that is now challenged at a fundamental level not only by religious and mystical traditions, but also by the recently reinvented philosophy of Kantian Idealism, panpsychism, and by a growing number of quantum physicists, who—using a wide range of methodologies—suggest that the brain is a reducer of consciousness, not a creator of it.27 This model sees consciousness, not matter, as primary; it is everywhere and it is everything, and individual human (and animal) brains are merely conveying it within the remit of what then becomes physical reality. For the most part, this physical reality has a closely defined rule-set, but under certain conditions the usual laws break down and metaphysical events can occur. These supernatural occurrences are thus as legitimate as any natural occurrence. The philosopher Jeffrey Kripal describes this in relation to traumatic episodes that cause apparently non-ordinary experiences, which include entity contact:

The body-brain crafts consciousness into a human form through a vast network of highly evolved biology, neurology, culture, language, family, and social interactions until a more or less stable ego or ‘I’ emerges, rather like the way the software and hardware of your laptop can pick up a Wi-Fi signal and translate the Internet into the specificities of your screen and social media. The analogy is a rough and imperfect one, but it gets the basic point across. Sometimes, however, the reducer is compromised or temporarily suppressed. The filtering or reduction of consciousness does not quite work, and other forms of mind or dimensions of consciousness, perhaps even other species or forms of life, that are normally shut out now ‘pop in.’ In extreme cases, it may seem that the cosmos itself has suddenly come alive and is all there. Perhaps it is.28

While most fairy encounters are not the result of trauma, this perspective helps us perhaps understand preternatural fairy experiences as something metaphysical being allowed to ‘pop in’ from either a greater, transcendent form of consciousness, or from an alternative reality to which humans do not typically have access. This would fit with either of David Luke’s second and third interpretations for supernatural entity contact. Simply put, a numinous zone has been entered and the participant is able to make contact with what usually resides external to their ordinary consciousness.

One of the achievements of Photographing Fairies is to tie much of this together and present us with a layered and nuanced view of what role metaphysical creatures like the fairies might play in our world. By using folkloric and Theosophical tropes as manifested in the immediate post-WWI period, we are opened up to the possibility of the fairies existing at some level. Photography is the means with which they may be brought into view in physical reality, but it is only through an altered state of consciousness that this actually occurs, thus plugging into the plausible concept that this is how non-physical entities have been experienced from prehistory through to the present day.

This is accomplished with much artistic licence, relying on a skilful screenplay and outstanding acting, but is always rooted in an understanding of the cultural role of the fairies. Perhaps most importantly, Photographing Fairies integrates the idea that the fairies are handmaidens of the eternal; they are arbiters between physical existence and what is usually thought of as death, with the ultimate cosmic message that there is no death… only a continuance of consciousness.

References

  1. Szilagyi, S. (1992). Photographing fairies, Ballantine Books. ↩︎
  2. IMBd. (n.d.). Photographing fairies. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0119893/?ref_=ttfc_fc_tt ↩︎
  3. Lavole, J.D. (2012). The Theosophical Society: The history of a spiritualist movement. Brown Walker Press. ↩︎
  4. Lachman, G. (2007). Rudolf Steiner: An introduction to his life and work. Floris Books. ↩︎
  5. Rushton, N. (2019). ‘Paracelsus, nature spirits and faeries’ https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2019/11/17/paracelsus-nature-spirits-and-faeries/ ↩︎
  6. Simaneck, D. (n.d.). ‘The case of the Cottingley fairies’ https://www.lockhaven.edu/~dsimanek/cooper.htm ↩︎
  7. Beach Combing. (2017). ‘In search of the earliest fairy wings’ http://www.strangehistory.net/2016/12/17/search-earliest-fairy-wings/ ; Rushton, N. (2017). ‘The art of faerie’ https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2017/06/22/the-art-of-faerie/ ; Lancelyn Green, R. (1954) Fifty years of Peter Pan. Peter Davies Publishing. ↩︎
  8. Froud, B. and Lee, A. (1978) Faeries. Pan Books. ↩︎
  9. Rushton, N. (2017). ‘Altered states of consciousness and the faeries’ https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2017/02/03/altered-states-of-consciousness-and-the-faeries/ ↩︎
  10. Hancock, G. (2005). Supernatural: Meetings with the ancient teachers of mankind. Century. ↩︎
  11. Eliade, M. (2004, first published 1951). Shamanism: Archaic techniques of ecstasy. Princeton University Press. ↩︎
  12. Lewis-Williams, D and Dowson, T. (1988). ‘The signs of all times: Entoptic phenomena in upper Palaeolithic art’ Current Anthropology, 29, 201-45. http://psimg.jstor.org/fsi/img/pdf/t0/10.5555/al.ch.document.sip200035_final.pdf ↩︎
  13. Peake, A. (2019). The hidden universe: An investigation into non-human intelligences. Watkins. ↩︎
  14. Ginzburg, C. (2004). Ecstasies: Deciphering the witches’ sabbath. University of Chicago Press; Wilby, E. (2005). Cunning folk and familiar spirits: Shamanistic visionary traditions in Early Modern British witchcraft and magic. Sussex Academic Press. ↩︎
  15. Briggs, K. (1967). The fairies in tradition and literature. Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd. ↩︎
  16. Rushton, N. (2017). ‘The faerie abduction of Anne Jefferies’ https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2017/09/23/the-faerie-abduction-of-anne-jefferies/ ↩︎
  17. Ginzburg; Wilby. Op. cit. ↩︎
  18. Young, S. The Fairy Investigation Society. (2017). ‘Fairy census 2014-2017’ http://www.fairyist.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/The-Fairy-Census-2014-2017-1.pdf ↩︎
  19. Hanna, J. (2012). ‘Aliens, insectoids, and elves! oh, my!’ https://www.erowid.org/chemicals/dmt/dmt_article3.shtml ↩︎
  20. Strassman, R. (2001). DMT: The spirit molecule. Park Street Press. ↩︎
  21. Luke, D. (2017). Otherworlds: Psychedelics and exceptional human experience. Muswell Hill Press. See also Rushton, N. (2023). ‘Faerie-Type Entities and the DMT Experience: An Ontological Survey,’ Psychedelic Press 40, 51-63. This article is republished here. ↩︎
  22. Bottrell, W. (1873). Traditions and hearthside stories of West Cornwall, Vol. 2. (pp. 94-102). Beare and Son. https://www.sacred-texts.com/neu/celt/swc2/swc216.htm ↩︎
  23. Evans-Wentz, W.Y. (2004, first published 1911). The fairy-faith in celtic countries. New Page Books. A version is also available online at: https://sacred-texts.com/neu/celt/ffcc/ ↩︎
  24. Evans-Wentz. Op. cit., pp. 197-98. ↩︎
  25. Evans-Wentz. Op. cit., pp. 277-78. ↩︎
  26. Luke, D. (2011). ‘Discarnate entities and dimethyltryptamine (DMT): Psychopharmacology, phenomenology and ontology’ Journal of the Society for Psychical Research, 75, 26-42. https://dmttimes.com/david-luke-papers-and-articles/2020/1/2/discarnate-entities-and-dimethyltryptamine-dmt-psychopharmacology-phenomenology-and-ontology ↩︎
  27. Kastrup, B., Stapp, H.P., & Kafatos, M.C. (2018). ‘Coming to grips with the implications of quantum mechanics’ https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/observations/coming-to-grips-with-the-implications-of-quantum-mechanics/ ↩︎
  28. Strieber, W., & Kripal, J.J. (2017). The super natural: Why the unexplained is real (p. 219). Tarcherperigee. ↩︎

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Unfortunately, Photographing Fairies was never released officially on DVD (DVD copies are pirated but seemingly impossible to find second hand online). But it is available to stream at VUDU/JustWatch (available in the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand) or for free at Internet Archive.

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Featuring essays by Wren Collier, Joshua Cutchin, Susan Demeter, Patrick Dugan, David Floyd, Jack Hunter, Allison Jornlin, James P. Nettles, Neil Rushton, Mark Anthony Wyatt, and Simon Young.

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Dead but Dreaming the novel is available now…

Disembodied Faerie Voices? Some Personal Experiences

I recently experienced a disembodied voice phenomenon, which correlated closely to a previous experience in 1994. Whether or not either of these incidents should be described within the remit of faerie encounters may be questionable, but I thought them interesting enough to recount here. There are a few similar occurrences in traditional folklore and modern encounters, which may be considered as faerie motifs, but I have been unable to find anything that fits as a close equivalent. This post is therefore as much a request for readers to respond with similar experiences (their own or from the literature) as it is a description of my own encounters.

Glastonbury Tor, October 2023

I recently attended the Faery Fayre at Glastonbury, which is organised by Karen Kay. Along with my colleagues, Kate Ray and Jo Hickey-Hall, I was giving a presentation on the Saturday about the famous Wollaton Gnomes incident. In the evening, they both attended the Faerie Ball at the Town Hall, and I decided to walk up Glastonbury Tor. It was a clear night at about 10 o’clock, and on my way up the path (from the town side), as well as when I reached the top, there were no other people. For those who know the Tor, this is very unusual, especially on a Saturday night. I have been on the Tor hundreds of times, day and night, and I have never been totally alone there. This was preying on my mind somewhat as I sat down by the SW-facing elevation of St Michael’s Tower, but I decided to relax into the luxury of having the place to myself. After about twenty minutes the solitude was broken by voices, which appeared to be on the other side of the tower. I thought there were three (adult) people, two male and a female, but my main thought was that my isolation was over and that I had best make my way around the other side of the tower, so as not to shock them when they found me lurking on the Tor. The voices continued. They were in no language I recognised and appeared to be talking quickly. I gave it about thirty seconds then got up and walked around the tower. The voices abruptly ceased completely and there was nobody on the Tor. I circumnavigated the whole of the top (c.50ft x 30ft) and investigated the two pathways – there was nobody on the Tor. I walked around on the Tor for another ten minutes, then made my way down the NE path, encountering no other people until I made it down to the edge of the town.

The incident was not frightening or creepy, as it could have been, but it left me in puzzlement as to what could have happened. I immediately went through all the most rational explanations, such as the voices travelling on the breeze from the bottom of the Tor, or some people hanging out below the top, on the terraces that form a labyrinth around the natural hill. Nothing seemed to explain the exact circumstances of the experience, which had definitely involved voices in an unknown language passing close by me but unseen, without any evidence of actual people being present. It was only hours later as I continued to ponder the incident that I remembered I had had a remarkably similar experience almost thirty years previous.

Langdon Hill, Dorset, April 1994

Langdon Hill is located just to the north of the Dorset coastal path, near to the famous landmark of Golden Cap, about five miles west of Bridport. It is a wooded hill, and for that reason I chose it to wild camp during a three-day backpacking trip through the hinterlands of Dorset in 1994. I chose an obscure spot in the woods well away from the path, set my tent up at dusk, cooked, ate and read, before settling down for the night. I’m a light sleeper when in a tent, and always wake up at regular intervals. After waking up several times I checked the time, which showed it was 3am. Shortly after I heard the voices of what I thought were two women. These voices continued as they came closer to the (unlit) tent and passed by it at close vicinity. They continued to chatter, did not seem to slow down as they passed, and continued away to the SW until I could no longer hear them. When the voices had completely disappeared, I extracted myself from my sleeping bag, got out of the tent and wandered about, but there was only silence. As with the Glastonbury experience I could not make out the language they were speaking, and neither was I particularly perturbed by the experience. I was definitely awake and did not fall back asleep before the dawn, when I packed up my tent and moved on.

This incident at Langdon Hill was a long time ago, but I was able to consult the journal I kept of all my backpacking trips at this time to confirm the details. And anyway, the experience is one of those that hardwires itself into memory in a visceral manner. What were the chances of two women being in the woods (well away from the path) at 3am, walking quickly past my tent without apparently noticing it, and speaking an obscure language? It was only years later that I read Louise Hodgson’s Secret Places of West Dorset, where she suggests a coven operates within the woods, and has done so for at least two centuries. She also mentions the folk tradition of the hill being a place to ‘whistle up the faeries’ – where a whistling sound will be repeated back. This does not explain my experience there, but it does give some folkloric layers to a place I had spent the night without any knowledge of the potential specialness of the location. While different from the recent incident on Glastonbury Tor (for which the specialness of the location is a given), the intrinsic components are the same – I was alone, it was night, disembodied voices passed close to me for a short time, they were talking in a language I did not recognise, and I could not account for them being there.

Faerie Voices?

Whatever phenomenon I experienced on these two occasions, it might be a stretch to suggest they were (audial) faerie encounters. Fortean audio experiences are most often associated with ghosts, sometimes recorded in the form of Electronic Voice Phenomena (EVPs), but as the boundaries between various parapsychological experiences blur, it may not be unreasonable to allow them to be classified as a faerie-type encounter. The folklore does not yield much in the way of audial-only experiences or testimonies related to faeries, apart from the hearing of faerie music/singing (Stith Thompson Motif Index F262), which is relatively common. There are several accounts of disembodied faerie voices in the new Fairy Investigation Society Census (2017-23), compiled by Simon Young, but they are of a different narrative quality to my own experiences described above. And Claire Casely has recorded several incidents of disembodied voices that may relate to faerie activity at Emsworthy Barn in Devon in her podcast series The Faery Whisperer. But I have not found direct correlates to my two encounters in traditional or modern folkloric records.

Of course, coming from a Fortean or esoteric perspective allows a variety of interpretations as to the possible cause and source of such a phenomenon. A materialist/reductionist overview, however, will simply label the experience as an audial hallucination, likely related to increased hippocampal activity in the brain. While such interpretations based on fMRI studies of brain activity are interesting, and may indeed explain some types of disembodied audio phenomena, they are locked within an Overton Window of materialism, where voices of unseen beings simply cannot exist, and must therefore be epiphenomena of the brain. The word hallucination has become a reductionist get-out clause to explain any visual or audial phenomenon that does not fit within the parameters of mainstream understanding of physical reality. But direct experience of this type of phenomenon will often bypass the rationalistic explanations, because there is simply a more elemental component to the encounter that is clearly not being generated by some malfunction in the brain. There is a gnosticism in these types of experiences that transcends normative, materialist explanations, even if the end interpretation remains indeterminate, subjective and unresolved. This does not mean my experiences were necessarily faerie encounters, but they were paranormal in the true sense of the word, and were, at the very least, intriguing and mysterious.

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I would very much like to hear from anyone who has had a similar experience to those described in this article. Please leave a comment below, or if you would rather send me a private message, my email is on the landing page.

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Dead but Dreaming the novel is available now…

Faerie-type Entities and and the DMT Experience: An Ontological Survey

The following article appeared in the most recent special edition of the Psychedelic Press journal, entitled ‘Folklore and Psychedelics’, edited by Jack Hunter and Peter Sjöstedt Hughes. Thanks to the Psychedelic Press for allowing me to republish it here in full.

Faerie-type Entities and and the DMT Experience: An Ontological Survey

Neil Rushton

The recent study carried out by the Johns Hopkins School of Medicine surveyed 2561 people to record their experiences of contacting entities while using N,N-dimethyltryptamine (DMT).1 The study used a filtered dataset of people to categorise many aspects of the DMT experience. The published paper does not give details of the subjective reports, but classifies them into typologies based on a range of determinants, and provides statistical analyses. In the table for ‘descriptive labels for entity’ 14% of respondents described their entity as elves, 8% as faeries and 5% as gnomes. But there are many other categories that are more ambivalent and, without seeing the original data, may be considered faerie-type entities. These include ‘beings’ (60%), ‘plant spirits’ (10%), and ‘animal spirits’ (7%).

This study is part of a growing literature of testimonies from people who have apparently contacted supernatural entities after taking DMT. It would seem this molecule, in particular, has the ability to alter states of consciousness to the extent that the participant is able to interact with non-natural entities in a supra-normal time and space. Many of the entities, in this study and others, bear much ontological resemblance to the faeries of both folkloric and modern descriptions. The DMT experience may provide one possible pathway into understanding what the faeries might be and how human consciousness can connect to their metaphysical existence.

DMT-initiated Faerie Encounters from Clinical Trials and Surveys

In the late 1950s, the Hungarian Stephen Szára became the first person to catalogue the experiences of people who had been injected with DMT. As detailed by Andrew Gallimore and David Luke, once he’d worked out that DMT was non-active when ingested, but instead needed to be injected intravenously: ‘He recruited 30 volunteers, mainly doctors from the hospital where he worked, the National Institute for Mental and Nervous Diseases, Budapest. All received 0.7 mg/kg DMT intramuscularly and their experiences carefully recorded.’2 Unfortunately, the results were not published, but some reports do survive, and it is clear that many of the study participants encountered entities. One twenty eight-year old male described his experience thus: ‘The room is full of spirits…the images come in such profusion that I hardly know where I want to begin with them! I see an orgy of color, but in several layers one after the other… one sees curious objects, but nevertheless everything is quickly gone, as if on a roller-coaster.’ We do not have any further assessment of what the ‘spirits’ were, but several of the other surviving experience reports describe meeting ‘beings’ when under the influence of these high-dose events. Two years after the first study Szára extended his assessment to psychiatric patients in the hospital. Again, only a few reports of the patients’ experiences survive, but one, from a thirty-year old female, give a flavour of the types of entities encountered: ‘I saw such strange dreams, but at the beginning only… I saw strange creatures, dwarfs or something, they were black and moved about…’

When DMT became a scheduled substance in 1970, any possibility of further research ceased. It was not until 1990 that DMT re-emerged as a legitimate substance for experimentation within a clinical setting. Between 1990 and 1995 a clinical research study was carried out at the General Clinical Research Center of the University of New Mexico Hospital, by Dr Rick Strassman, after a lengthy application to obtain a federal licence was successful. The study found that volunteers injected with varying amounts of DMT underwent profound alterations of consciousness. Strassman published the results in 2001 as DMT: The Spirit Molecule.3

The research involved sixty volunteers, all of who had multiple sessions in a controlled environment, where they were injected with DMT within the range of 0.2, 0.3 and 0.4 mg/kg. They were monitored during the experiences, which usually lasted between twenty and forty minutes. They were then asked to recount a testimony of what had happened as soon as the effects of the drug had worn off. At all doses the experience usually involved immediate cessation of normal consciousness and transportation to a different realm of reality inhabited by a range of creatures described as elves, faeries, imps, reptiles, insects, aliens, robots, clowns, and various therianthropic entities. One woman even describes a pulsating entity that she encountered as ‘Tinkerbell-like’. The experiences represented to the participants a parallel reality that was ‘super real’, not an hallucination, not a dream, but a substantial built reality with full sensory interaction and often telepathy.

The testimony of one volunteer, Jeremiah, gives an idea of the experience, the entities encountered and how the participants’ descriptions were recorded verbatim. After hurtling through a void he found himself: ‘… in a nursery. A high-tech nursery with a single Gumby, three feet tall, attending me. I felt like an infant. Not a human infant, but an infant relative to the intelligence represented by the Gumby. It was aware of me but not particularly concerned… Then I heard two or three male voices talking. I heard one of them say “he’s arrived.” … I was in a big room… there was one big machine in the center, with round conduits, almost writhing… The machine felt as if it were rewiring me, reprogramming me… This is real. It’s totally unexpected, quite constant and objective… an independent, constant reality.’4

Karl described his interaction with some faerie-type entities during an ‘inter glacial’ only eight minutes into a high-dose session: ‘That was real strange. There were a lot of elves. They were prankish, ornery, maybe four of them appeared at the side of a stretch of interstate highway I travel regularly. They commanded the scene, it was their terrain! They were about my height. They held up placards, showing me these incredibly beautiful, complex, swirling geometric scenes in them… I heard a giggling sound— the elves laughing or talking at high-speed volume, chattering, twittering.’5

The language in the testimonials over time is interesting; are the ‘spirits’ and ‘dwarves’ in Szára’s studies, 1950’s versions of the ‘elves’ and ‘imps’ of the participants in Strassman’s research? It is certainly the case that many folkloric descriptions of the faeries described them as ‘spirits’. There are plenty of examples of this in WY Evans-Wentz’s 1911 collection of faerie beliefs, published as The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries,6 where (especially in Ireland and Brittany) there appeared to be a high level of interchangeability between the faeries and the spirits of the dead. The folklorist David Halpin has commented about this trait while describing one of Evans-Wentz’s encounter reports from Limerick, where a young doctor equates the faeries as spirits: ‘This may be, perhaps, an unconscious referral to the belief that in many cases the faeries were both the dead and another type of spirit, or it may be that there was more of an acceptance of this crossover than there sometimes is today.’7 This ambiguity of language to describe supernatural entities over time is important. But it is clear from Strassman’s research study that almost all the volunteer participants encountered various forms of entities during their DMT experiences, and that (whatever the terminology used) many of them can be coded within the broad ontological spectrum that may be described as faerie entities.

Strassman’s study could be seen, at least in part, as correlative to folkloric research. The primary take away is the anecdotal testimonies of people who attempt to describe the DMT-induced realities they found themselves in and the entities they found there. This is not so dissimilar to a folklorist collecting reports of supernatural faerie encounters. The means of arrival in a reality where faeries appear to exist is evidently different, but Strassman is in many ways simply recording extraordinary encounters with (apparently) non-physical entities, much in the same way as Evans-Wentz and every other folklorist who has attempted to record human interactions with faeries.

An important survey is from 2010, collated by the computational physicist Peter Meyer.8 ‘340 DMT Trip Reports’ documents what Meyer describes as, ‘reports which attest to contact with apparently independently existing intelligent entities within what seems to be an alternate reality.’ The 340 (anonymous) reports certainly contain many encounters with faerie-type entities, most often described as elves. Forty-six of the reports describe encountering faeries/elves. #49 states: ‘To start with I was travelling into what looked like a long curved tunnel. The walls of the tunnel were like bright multicolored tiles… After an indeterminate period of time I found myself in a garden, which seemed to be suspended in a sky-blue void, rather than part of any larger land mass. The garden had grass, flowers, trees, even a picket fence and seemed quite convincing and solid. I noticed two faeries sitting on a swing hanging from one of the trees. They seemed to be inviting me closer, and I floated in their direction… As I approached them I noticed that they were lewdly playing with themselves and each other, I watched them for some time before noticing that there were more inhabitants in the garden. There were more of the faeries and what I assume were their children.’ This account is quite typical of testimonies in the survey in that a transformed natural environment is encountered, and the morality of the faerie entities in ambivalent.

There are many folkloric traits and precedents in these descriptions, although there is also probably much cultural coding going on, where people in altered states of consciousness carry with them their own memories of what faeries and elves might represent. But there is certainly a general view in the testimonies that these entities are existing in an autonomous built reality not entirely dependent on our own consensus reality. The DMT world appears to be an independent hyper-reality, even if it is a reality built from entirely subjective accounts. Although only a minority of reports (c.18%) in Meyer’s study explicitly mention faeries or elves, almost all of them do record some type of contact with non-human intelligent entities, described as: spirits, insectoids, therianthropes, orbs, light beings, waves of light or sound, aliens, or distorted humanoids. There is a consistency in the reports of meeting with intelligent beings.

This theme continues in subsequent surveys, such as Jon Hanna’s 2012 study ‘Aliens, Insectoids, and Elves! Oh, My!’, which used experience reports posted on the drug-advisory website Erowid, as well as three new surveys of Erowid users.9 While the surveys included entity encounters brought on by a range of psychedelic substances, it is clear that DMT was always the molecule most likely to facilitate such encounters. The initial assessment of over 22,600 experience reports showed that 1,159 described entity encounters. 38% of these happened on DMT and 36% on Ayahuasca. In Hanna’s three new surveys it was also clear that DMT was the drug most likely to initiate an experience involving discarnate entities. Many of the respondents described the entities as alien, but there is a large sub-set of faerie-type beings within the testimonies.

David Luke’s 2020 paper ‘Anomalous Psychedelic Experiences: At the Neurochemical Juncture of the Humanistic and Parapsychological’ also surveys the altered state of consciousness effects of people using a range of psychedelics.10 When it comes to entity encounters Luke makes it clear that DMT is the substance most likely to induce the phenomenon. He notes that ‘encounters with elves, gnomes, pixies, dwarves, imps, goblins, and other “little people” (though clearly not human people), are extremely prevalent and have long been at the spearhead of the debate on the reality of DMT beings.’ And along with Pascal Michael and Oliver Robinson, Luke has also published the findings from a recent ‘naturalistic field study’ where thirty-six participants were observed during DMT trips in their homes and interviewed immediately afterwards.11 Thirty-four of them described encountering entities, and while there is a variety in the entity taxonomy, faerie types regularly appear. If the faerie typology is extended to therianthropes, cartoon humanoids, aliens and even ‘clowns’, then they are present in the majority of experiences in the study. And in the most recent survey (2022) in Nature Scientific Reports, an analysis of 3778 experiences from the r/DMT Reddit community over a 10-year period from 2009 to 2018, also demonstrated encounters with faerie-type entities.12 While only a minority of contributors specifically labeled the entities as faeries/elves, there are many phenotypes which would slot into a folkloric understanding of faerie phenomenology, such as shadow figures, masked characters and any of the more vague descriptions of ‘humanoids.’ If the descriptors for entities in this study are compared to the faerie phenotypes listed in the Aarne-Thompson Motif-Index of Folk-Literature,13 more than half of them could be classified as faerie encounters.

The DMT experience is evidently a real subjective phenomenon. Even filtering for misrepresentations through deceit and false memories, the large number of testimonies, from both clinical research and surveys, over a long time period, point to the conclusion that this particular molecule consistently produces entity encounters via an altered state of consciousness. And many of the entities correlate with folkloric (historic and modern) faerie typologies.

The DMT Experience Compared to Folkloric and Modern Faerie Encounters

While folkloric faerie encounters (and modern encounters) were evidently not caused by inhalation or injection of DMT, many of the stories and testimonies from the record do involve the immersion of the participants into an ulterior reality inhabited by non-human intelligent entities. One story from the folkloric record that does sound as if it were an historic version of a DMT experience is the well-documented description of Ann Jefferies, who, in the late 17th century experienced a vivid trip into an otherworld populated by faerie entities.14 After going into service with the wealthy Pitt family near St Teath, Cornwall she, one day while sitting in the arbour of the house, found herself accosted by ‘six little men, all clothed very handsome in green.’ The 19th-century folklorist Robert Hunt recounted the subsequent testimony in Popular Romances of the West of England.15 One of the little men ran his fingers over her eyes and she felt as if they’d been pricked with a pin: ‘Suddenly Ann became blind, and she felt herself whirled through the air at a great rate. By and by, one of her little companions said something which sounded like “Tear away,” and lo! Anne had her sight at once restored. She was in one of the most beautiful places — temples and palaces of gold and silver. Trees laden with fruits and flowers. Lakes full of gold and silver fish and the air full of birds of the sweetest song, and the more brilliant colours. Hundreds of ladies and gentlemen were walking about. Hundreds more were idling in the most luxurious bowers, the fragrance of the flowers oppressing them with sense of delicious repose. Hundreds were also dancing, engaged in sports of various kinds. Ann was, however, surprised to find that these happy people were no longer the small people she had previously seen.’

After coming round from her experience, Ann woke up in the arbour surrounded by concerned people and was taken to convalesce. It is conjectured that she suffered from temporal lobe epilepsy, a condition which manifests traits similar to DMT-induced experiences. Interestingly, like many of the people on Strassman’s study and respondents to the Johns Hopkins survey, Ann found she was a changed person after the experience, and became transformed into a natural healer, gaining much fame for this in her subsequent life. Anecdotal folklore about faerie encounters is rarely as detailed as Ann Jefferies’ story (Hunt’s narrative is backed up by contemporary letters, civil records and other accounts about her), but there are numerous testimonies about people who claim to have left consensus reality and entered another, where they meet faerie entities. This is perhaps best seen in the common motif of the faerie dance – where an individual enters into a circle of dancing faeries and remains in their otherworld for a short period of time, only to return to this world and find they have been absent for weeks, months or even years.16 This is perhaps the folklore turning a real numinous episode (perhaps via an altered state of consciousness, of whatever type) into a palatable story, with the allegorical slant that the trip into an otherworld gives an enhanced cubit of wisdom in a very short time – much like a DMT-induced episode.

While most people partaking of DMT will perhaps not be overly familiar with faerie folklore stories and motifs, they will probably be imbued with the faeries in popular culture. Put this alongside their likely knowledge of Terence McKenna and his various descriptions of machine-elves, and there may be a predisposition for the DMT experiencer to encounter faerie-type entities. The cultural code is locked into their subconscious and the molecule unlocks it, creating an apparently real encounter with a supernatural creature based on their hard-wired expectations. This is also the case for modern faerie sightings where the participant has not engaged with DMT or any other mind-altering substance. As the recent census by Simon Young for The Fairy Investigation Society shows, there continue to be many people reporting encounters with faerie entities.17 Indeed, the rate of modern testimonies of non-psychedelic induced experiences far outstrips the number of people detailing their DMT encounters. But both may be culturally coding their experiences. There are certainly many similarities between DMT and non-DMT testimonies of faerie encounters. This example is from The Fairy Investigation Society’s census (#114) and happened to a female in her twenties during the 1990s in Somerset, UK: ‘Friends had gone ahead and I straggled behind. As I turned a corner, it was misty. The mist had a weird glow. As I walked into the low mist there was a procession [of faeries] around three feet tall. With lanterns! But in the mist, I paused and they saw me. They came forward and I waited for them to pass. They passed. I have never taken drugs and was not on any alcohol. This was the weirdest experience. It lasted three to five minutes. By [the] time I got back to cottage my friends were concerned as I was away for around forty-five minutes! Very strange. They looked medieval in dress. But their clothes were covered by the mist at times.’

The time dilation and feeling of numinosity, and, of course, the meeting with (apparently intelligent) humanoid entities, could come from a DMT-trip report. But the main difference is that (despite the missing time) the respondent encountered the faerie entities within consensus reality. She was not in an alternate reality. This is the main contrast between most (but not all) modern faerie experiences, which have not been induced by a mind-altering substance, and DMT encounters, which always happen in a hyper-space. This could suggest that with DMT rushing through the brain the experience is taken further, and those people encountering entities without its benefit only get a partial view, constrained within their natural environment. The folkloric record is more divergent on this. The stories such as Ann Jefferies’, and the circle dancing experiences transport the participant into the otherworld of the faeries, but, the majority of faerie folklore happens in the everyday world, where the entities infringe upon our reality and make their appearances there.

The DMT experience of supernatural entities is only a part of this metaphysical intersect, but it is important, not least due to the consistency of the testimonies. Most people who take DMT experience intelligent entities, and many of their encounters are similar enough to folkloric and modern faerie testimonies to allow for the possibility the experiences are related. While there are evidently many differences between experiences of faerie entities in folklore/modern encounters and those from DMT use, there are also enough similarities for us to ask the question about the phenomenological correspondence. People in the past and the present appear to have experienced a range of faerie entities, through a variety of means; injecting or inhaling DMT can invoke analogous experiences. Faerie entities, however experienced, and while morphing through different taxonomies through time, do seem to be resistant to cultural changes – they retain their form and remain recognisable as a category of supernatural entity. Whether they exist in an autonomous reality, which interacts with ours occasionally, or whether they are aspects of human consciousness, accessible under certain conditions, they remain with us; liminal but exclusive, at a metaphysical intersect.

References

1. Davis, AK., Clifton, JM., Weaver EG., Hurwitz, ES., Johnson, MW., Griffiths, RR. (2020) ‘Survey of Entity Encounter Experiences Occasioned by Inhaled N,N-dimethyltryptamine: Phenomenology, Interpretation, and Enduring Effects’, Journal of Psychopharmacology, 34:9, pp. 1008-1020.
2. Gallimore, AR. and Luke, DP. ‘DMT Research from 1956 to the Edge of Time’, Reality Sandwich (15 Oct. 2015), https://realitysandwich.com/dmt-research-from-1956-to-the-edge-of-time/.
3. Strassman, R. (2001) DMT: The Spirit Molecule (Rochester, VT.: Park Street Press).
4. Strassman, DMT, pp. 193-95.
5. Strassman, DMT, p. 188.
6. Evans-Wentz, WY. (2004, 1st pub. 1911) The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries (Franklin Lakes, NJ.: Career Press).
7. Halpin, D. ‘A Strange Irish Fairy Encounter’, Circle Stories (18 June 2020), https://www.facebook.com/CircleStoriesDavidHalpin/posts/1202465446768796.
8. Meyer, P. ‘340 DMT Trip Reports’, Serendipity (20 Aug. 2010), https://www.serendipity.li/dmt/340_dmt_trip_reports.htm.
9. Hanna, J. ‘Aliens, Insectoids, and Elves! Oh, My!’, Erowid Extracts #23 (24 Nov. 2012), https://www.erowid.org/chemicals/dmt/dmt_article3.shtml.
10. Luke, D (2020) ’Anomalous Psychedelic Experiences: At the Neurochemical Juncture of the Humanistic and Parapsychological’, Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 62:2, pp. 257-97.
11. Michael, P., Luke, D., Robinson, O. ‘An Encounter With the Other: A Thematic and Content Analysis of DMT Experiences From a Naturalistic Field Study’ Frontiers in Psychology, 12:720717 (2021) https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.720717.
12. Lawrence, D.W., Carhart-Harris, R., Griffiths, R.. Timmermann, C., ‘Phenomenology and Content of the Inhaled N, N-dimethyltryptamine (N, N-DMT) Experience’, Scientific Reports 12:8562 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-11999-8.
13. Thompson, S. (1955-58) Motif-Index of Folk-Literature: A Classification of Narrative Elements in Folk-Tales, Ballads, Myths, Fables, Mediaeval Romances, Exempla, Fabliaux, Jest-Books, and Local Legends, 6 vols (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger).
14. Young, S. (ed.) (2021) Ann Jefferies and the Faeries (London: Pwca Pamphlets); Rushton, N. ‘The Faerie Abduction of Ann Jefferies’, Dead but Dreaming (23 Sep. 2017), https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2017/09/23/the-faerie-abduction-of-anne-jefferies/.
15. Hunt, R. (1903) Popular Romances of the West of England (London: Chatto & Windus), pp. 127-29.
16. Hancock, G. (2005) Supernatural: Meetings with the Ancient Teachers of Mankind (London: Century), pp. 398-412; Rushton, N. ‘Going Round in Circles: The Faerie Dance’, Dead but Dreaming (28 May 2016), https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2016/05/28/going-round-in-circles-the-faerie-dance/; Rushton, N. ‘The Space-Time Continuum in Faerieland’, Dead but Dreaming (10 July 2016), https://deadbutdreaming.wordpress.com/2016/07/10/the-space-time-continuum-in-faerieland/.
17. Young, S. ‘Fairy Census 2014-2017’, The Fairy Investigation Society (8 Jan. 2018), https://www.fairyist.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/The-Fairy-Census-2014-2017-1.pdf.

Contents of the Psychedelic Press Journal XL:

  • Editorial: ‘Folklore and Psychedelics’ by Jack Hunter
  • Folklore and the British Magic Mushroom by Andy Letcher
  • Tattoo You?: The Blue Star Tattoo Legend in Britain by Andy Roberts
  • Atropa belladonna and the Raving Ones by the Seed Sistas
  • Datura Use and the Native American Death Trip by PD Newman
  • Faerie-type Entities and the DMT Experience: An Ontological Survey by Neil Rushton
  • Narratives of the Self: Psilocybin Experiences and Changes in Subjectivity by Joshua Falcon
  • Three Folk Poems by Mark Juhan

Journal cover by Roscoe Stark

The cover image for this article is by KingCandyFlip

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Dead but Dreaming the novel is available now


The Connection between Faeries and Prehistoric Sites

The Faeries and Prehistoric Sites in Folklore and Modern Testimonies

There is a deep connection between the faeries and prehistoric sites throughout Britain, Ireland and Western Europe. This connection is recorded in the folkloric record and in modern testimonies, suggesting a metaphysical linkage that may provide a deeper understanding of the faerie phenomenon. The oldest recorded story of human interaction with the faeries at a prehistoric site comes from the 12th-century chronicler William of Newburgh. In his Historia rerum Anglicarum, William chronicles the historical timeline of events during the reigns of Stephen and Henry II, but included in the chronicle are numerous marvels; stories from local folkloric traditions, including the famous tale of The Green Children, and also discursive tangents in to subject matter such as revenants – revived corpses, sometimes described as medieval vampires. One story related by William appears to have been with him since his childhood, and involves a faerie encounter at the late-Neolithic/early-Bronze Age burial mound called Willy Howe in the East Riding of Yorkshire:

In the Yorkshire province, not too far from the place of my birth [Bridlington], a miraculous thing occurred, which I have been familiar with since my childhood. There is a village some miles away from the North Sea, near which famous waters, which are generally known as Gipsey, gush out of the ground in a number of springs… One day a rustic of the village just mentioned, went to visit one of his friends in a neighbouring village, the road to which lay near a tumulus, a road, therefore, which we may easily suppose people would not then willingly choose to pass at night. However, the love of beer, which was then even more powerful than at the present day, kept the rustic visitor until a late hour at night, and when at length he started on his way home he was all the happier for his entertainment. As he approached the tumulus he was astonished to hear merry sounds issuing from it, which betokened that it was occupied by a party who were feasting. Wondering who could have come to that lonely spot to enjoy themselves at such an hour, he approached nearer to the mound, and then, for the first time, he saw a door open in its side. Our rustic friend, who was well mounted, rode boldly up to this door, looked through it, and beheld, inside, a spacious building, brilliantly illuminated, and a large company of men and women seated at a magnificent entertainment. As he stood there staring at the door, one of the cup-bearers, seeing him, approached and offered him the cup to drink. Now it must be remarked that, according to the doctrines of faerie lore (for these were faeries), when a mere mortal approached their assemblies accidentally, the faerie-folk always offered some of the liquor they were drinking, and if it were taken, the consumer immediately lost all power of returning home, and was carried away into faerieland. But the rustic of East Yorkshire was too wise for that, for he poured the contents on the ground, and, grasping firmly the cup, started off at full gallop. The faerie feasters rushed from the tumulus, and gave chase; but the horse of the fugitive was a good and swift one, and almost by miracle he reached his village in safety, and secured his valuable prize. In the end this goblet of unknown material, unusual colour, and unfamiliar shape, was bestowed on King Henry I, and later delivered to David, King of Scotland. It was later returned to King Henry II and has remained in the royal treasury.

Willy Howe was evidently still attracting folkloric resonance in to the 20th century, when the reverend William Smith, in his 1923 publication The Ancient Springs and Streams of the East Riding of Yorkshire, recounted a tale from the indeterminate past where a man was befriended by a female faerie on the mound and promised a guinea each day if he would meet her there. He was sworn to secrecy about the contract, but eventually told some friends, after which there were no more guineas and he was punished (although Smith gives no details as to what the punishment was) by the faerie occupants (a common folklore motif).

While the Willy Howe story recorded by William of Newburgh may be the earliest correlation of the faeries to prehistoric burial mounds, there are many more examples, which while not collected until the 18th and 19th centuries, had evidently been collating through the oral tradition for many centuries. In his 1976 publication Folklore of Prehistoric Sites in Britain, the archaeologist Leslie Grinsell catalogues a considerable number of folkloric faerie encounters at prehistoric sites, most of them Bronze Age burial mounds (barrows). He even produces a distribution map, which demonstrates clusters of stories in Scotland, the Midlands and the North-West and South-West of England.

Much of the folklore recorded by Grinsell is associated with faerie music being heard at the burial mounds, usually including an allegorical lesson being learnt or a gift being given to the person who heard the tunes. For instance, a man who built his house on Mingulay Dun, in Barra, Outer Hebrides, had to move away after being persistently kept awake by the sound of faerie pipes and refrains, but stayed long enough to learn some of the tunes. Bincombe and Whitcombe in Dorset both have Music Barrows, where the sound of faerie fiddles and flutes may be heard at midday – fitting in to the common motif of experiencing the faeries being temporally constrained to a certain time of day. There are also many cautionary tales associated with faeries and barrows, such as the cup taken by a man who encountered a faerie feast on the barrow called Fairy Hill at Orrisdale on the Isle of Man: “A fairy offered the passer-by a drink from a silver cup, but he threw out the contents and the faeries disappeared, leaving the cup in his hand. He sought advice from his priest who persuaded him to present the cup to Kirk Malew Church for use at communion. It was later noticed that whenever the cup was used there, those who drank from it went mad afterwards, and so the use of the cup was abandoned.” But the faeries also have a benevolent role to play in stories surrounding their presence at prehistoric burial mounds. At Pixies’ Mound, Stogursey, Somerset, a ploughman on his way to work noticed a broken peel (a wooden shovel for baking cakes) on the barrow. He mended it and replaced it where he found it. When he returned from work the peel was gone, and in its place was a freshly baked cake, interpreted as a reward from the faeries for repairing their implement.

Grinsell records over sixty folkloric stories of this type in Britain, a number that could be multiplied several times if a modern assessment based on new research were to be carried out (Janet Bord’s 2004 book The Traveller’s Guide to Fairy Sites is the most up to date assessment, which takes the number of sites to about a hundred). The allegorical, motif-ridden overlays of all the folkloric examples should not distract from the very real correlation to an idea of the faeries and their relation to prehistoric sites – the historic tradition evidently made a connection between supernatural entities and ancient burial mounds. The deep association in many traditions of the faeries and the dead (the ancestors) may be one reason for this, and will be discussed below.

In Ireland the association is made explicit; the faeries (aes sídhe) are ‘the people of the mounds’, although many of the legends attached to these sites are more mythologically derived compared to British folklore. Prehistoric burial mounds such as Sidhe Finnachaidh, Sidh-ar-Femhin and Brí Léith are sites utilised within the Mythological Cycle of Irish stories and poetry, which link faerie royalty with prehistoric burial mounds. So, while the Irish stories contain more grand narratives than the British folklore, the point remains that there is an intimate link between the mounds and the faeries in folkloric/mythological narratives throughout Britain and Ireland.

However, Jeremy Harte makes the valid point that faerie hills are not always burial mounds and that perhaps the folkloric prerogative was to house the faeries under any prominent hill or mound for the purposes of a narrative rather than any close correlation between prehistoric burial locations and the faeries. Indeed, two of the most famous faerie hills are natural and not burial mounds. These are Doon Hill at Aberfoyle, where the Rev. Robert Kirk consorted with the faeries and met his death in the late 17th century, and the Faerie Hill of Sithean Moor on Iona, which has a long association with the faeries, and was also the location of the mysterious death of a young occultist by the name of Marie Fornario in 1929. But it remains true that most ‘mounds’ in the folkloric record are Neolithic or Bronze Age barrows, which suggests an intimate link between these sites and the faeries, and also a deep recognition of this among the people who were perpetuating the stories in the historic period.

While burial mounds seem to be the most popular faerie haunts in the folklore, there are also many records of faerie interactions at other prehistoric sites. Stone circles most commonly have the attached folkloric motif of being people petrified into stone for some misdemeanour (most often dancing on the Sabbath), but sometimes there are faerie correlations. Fingal’s Cauldron Seat is a small Neolithic stone circle on Machrie Moor, Isle of Arran, which, in the folklore, the Irish giant Finn set up to hold his cauldron. One of the stones has a perforated hole, of which the 19th-century historian John McArthur notes: “… was probably associated with some old superstition or religious ceremony, now forgotten. The hole is sufficiently large to admit the two fingers, and runs perpendicularly through the side of the column… The perforated column was believed to contain a fairy or brownie, who could only be propitiated by the pouring of milk through the hole bored in the side of the stone.” And at the Rollright stone circle in Oxfordshire there is a persistent folkloric story that the faeries emerge from a hole in a rock in the former quarry close to the King Stone to dance around the stones during full moons. It is interesting that in both these cases it is a hole in the stone that leads down to a faerie space, insinuating that (as with the burial mounds) the faeries are usually to be found underground.

Mitchell’s Fold stone circle in Shropshire is associated with an interesting piece of folklore that has the attributes of ancient oral tradition, even though it only first appears in the record during the 19th century. Leslie Grinsell summarises the legend in his booklet Mitchell’s Fold Stone Circle and its Folklore (1980): a local famine was alleviated by a faerie (in some versions faeries), who was able to generate a white cow that gave copious amounts of milk. One night a malicious witch named Mitchell milked the cow through a sieve and the displeased faeries turned her to stone and built the circle around her to prevent her from ever escaping. The folktale is even commemorated in a 19th-century pillar carving in the local church of Middleton-in-Chirbury. This particular legend certainly has the hallmarks of a magical tradition being filtered through later folklore, and may retain a folk-memory of the stone circle being used by its Neolithic builders as an interventional container for whatever negative energies they perceived in the landscape – more of which below.

There are other prehistoric stone circles, which have either been designated as faerie rings, such as Hjaltadans (Shetland), or which have specific stones known as the faerie stone, as at Hordron Edge (Derbyshire), although it is difficult to know how far these designations go back beyond the 19th century. Likewise, in Brittany there appears to be a deep connection between faerie folklore and megalithic sites, which are frequently designated as stones of the corrigans or fée (the usual Breton terms for faeries). Dee Dee Chainey discusses the collections of some of these tales by the 19th-century folklorist Paul Sébillot:

One story was collected by Sébillot in 1881 from a local gardener about a megalith sited between Saint-Didier and Marpiré (Ille-et-Vilaine), and it is shown to have strange origins: ‘The faeries took the biggest stones of the country and carried them in their aprons; then they piled them one on top of the others to build their houses.’ Another dolmen, near the wood of Rocher in Pleudihen, was similarly made by the faeries by carrying rocks in their aprons according to the local people.’ It’s interesting to note that, in contrast to the megaliths as homes for the faeries, a ‘white-haired farmer’ spoke of a menhir (peulvan) called la Pierre Fritte, saying that the fairies erected such things for those souls who had done good in their life, and whose ashes could remain ‘safe from the malice and destruction of time’ where ‘they came at night to talk with the dead.’

Three decades after Sébillot’s collection of stories the American anthropologist WY Evans Wentz also recorded the faerie beliefs of the Bretons in his 1911 publication The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries. Many of the stories he collected centred around the extensive landscape of Neolithic stone rows, dolmens and menhirs near the village of Carnac in southern Brittany. One description of the faeries’ activities was given to him by Marie Ezanno (then 60 years old) of Carnac village:

‘The corrigans are little dwarfs who formerly, by moonlight, used to dance in a circle on the prairies [the land containing the megalithic structures]. They sang a song the couplet of which was not understood, but only the refrain, translated in Breton: “Di Lun (Monday), Di Merh (Tuesday), Di Merhier (Wednesday).” ‘They whistled in order to assemble. Where they danced mushrooms grew; and it was necessary to maintain silence so as not to interrupt them in their dance. They were often very brutal towards a man who fell under their power, and if they had a grudge against him they would make him submit to the greatest tortures. The peasants believed strongly in the corrigans, because they thus saw them and heard them. The corrigans dressed in very coarse white linen cloth. They were mischievous spirits (espirits follets), who lived under dolmens.’

Evans-Wentz discovered that the Breton belief in faeries very much correlated them with the dead, much more so than in the other Celtic countries from which he collected testimonies. Carnac was the nexus of this, evidently due to the extensive range of prehistoric megaliths, which, while not properly understood in their archaeological context, were understood to be abodes of the ancestral dead. For the people of southern Brittany at the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century, the faeries and the dead were one and the same thing.

These folkloric examples demonstrate an innate understanding in traditional communities that the faeries were often to be found inhabiting prehistoric ritual sites. Most frequently they were underneath the mounds and stones, suggesting they were part of an Otherworld marginally disconnected from consensus reality. But the stories are often overlain with allegorical storytelling and motifs, which has allowed them to become somewhat subsumed in to a whimsical past, with limited relevance to any understanding of the metaphysical reality of the connection. However, encounters with faeries at prehistoric sites are not limited to the folklore. Modern experiences are numerous, and usually take the form of straightforward testimonies, without any formulated diegesis. My own experience at West Kennet Long Barrow, Wiltshire in 1996 is described in a previous post: Some Personal Reflections on Interfacing with the Faeries. This is a somewhat similar experience to that described by Jo Hickey-Hall on her Modern Fairy Sightings podcast at the La Pouquelaye de Faldouet Neolithic passage tomb (dolmen) on Jersey. The fascinating aspect of this experience is that it was reprised by another woman at the same site. The faerie entity appeared as a small, gnome-like creature (described as playful and mischievous) that appeared briefly at the dolmen before flickering out of existence. Whilst there was no apparent message or deep interaction from the experience, both Jo and the woman suggest the encounter allowed a turning point in their lives, and that the interface was important in their understanding of the possibilities of the existence of incarnate entities. Unlike the folkloric stories, there is no storytelling overlay – it is simply an experience of a faerie-type entity at a prehistoric site.

There are also several experience reports at prehistoric sites in the Fairy Investigation Society’s census, compiled by Simon Young between 2014-17. The following is worth reproducing in full, as it captures the ethereal quality of many sightings, and the effect on the participants. It happened at the Boskednan Nine Maidens stone circle in Cornwall in the early 2000s, and is report #22 in the census:

My husband and I were having a hike in the area, near Morvah. We had parked the car and walked to the Men-an-Tol, then down to the Men Scryfa which is a standing stone dating from the early medieval period. We were going back to the track to head up to the Nine Maidens stone circle, when we saw a man running down the hill. When I say run, think of those dreams when the land flies beneath you with each step; he was moving like this over the heathy ground. He stopped and looked at us, and my husband waved. He grinned and waved back, then continued to run at this incredible pace in an easterly direction until he was out of sight. He was the same sort of height and build as a slim human, with shoulder-length hair which was the colour of haematite. It was a metallic dark grey. He wore olive green trousers and a long sleeved top, but the cut was very unusual, not like anything that would be commonly bought in a shop. It had a hand-made look to it, with an odd style. I felt a bit spooked by this appearance, and husband and I chatted about how strange he had looked whilst we reached the top of the hill and the Nine Maidens. As we reached the site, the weather began to change; from being a clear sunny day, a strong wind blew up from the west and brought with it a fair deal of cloud and fog. There was a purple/grey hue to this. We explored the circle for a few minutes, and joked about having gone through a portal. As soon as we stepped out of the circle, the wind died down, the clouds cleared, and it was a bright sunny day again. Whilst we walked back towards the car, we were talking about the strange events, and joked that we hoped the car was still there, and that seven years had not passed!

Prehistoric Faeries: Landscape, the Ancestors and Altered States of Consciousness

There is evidently a link between the faeries and prehistoric sites in Britain, Ireland and Europe. In many ways this is a direct correlation between the faeries and death in the form of the ancestors. Most (perhaps all) prehistoric sites were created as memorials for the dead. The burial mounds are the most obvious examples (even though they would have been used for other ritual purposes apart from burial), but megalithic stone circles and rows and individual standing stones were also, in part, memorials for the ancestors. The relationship between these sites and the faerie phenomenon is important, and is based on a blurring of the difference between the faeries and the dead. Evans-Wentz explicitly states that, in the Celtic countries where he collected his information, they were often understood to be one and the same thing: “The animistic character of the Celtic Legend of the Dead is apparent; and the striking likenesses constantly appearing in our evidence between the ordinary apparitional faeries and the ghosts of the dead show that there is often no essential and sometimes no distinguishable difference between these two orders of beings, nor between the world of the dead and faerieland.”

It is perhaps then not surprising that much faerie folklore and modern faerie encounters have gathered around these sites. The folklore that portrays the faeries as inhabiting the land of the dead shows them as representatives of the past and what is gone. In the same way as a memory of someone dead can be conjured up in consciousness before disappearing into the subconscious, so the faeries are able to make appearances in our collective stories (based on experiences) that attempt to understand death and its connection with life. Their somewhat wacky behaviour perhaps exemplifies our fear of the unknown — they live in an undiscovered country, and have their own customs and rules. But it’s a place that can be accessed and brought into our comprehension of reality — physically and metaphysically — so as to come to terms with death, both our own and of others.

Our prehistoric ancestors were evidently intent on marking certain parts of the landscape with megalithic and other structures for a variety of ritualistic reasons, but primarily to interface with the transcendent world of the dead. If the folklore of these sites is resonant with the faerie phenomenon, then perhaps it is a folk-memory of what the prehistoric builders of the sites were attempting to capture. It is possible that the faeries (in all their forms) are remnants of an indigenous belief-system, which have continued to manifest through time, appearing to us not only in folklore, but as a metaphysical component of reality. The prehistoric sites are like lightning rods – retaining a non-material energy of consciousness within their structures that may allow us to tap in to the same experiences as those who built them. This is not the same as the old anthropological model suggested by Evans-Wentz et al., that hypothesised the faeries are the memories of prehistoric ancestors. Rather, it is the idea that the faeries are part of a collective human consciousness, first realised thousands of years ago, and still prevalent, especially at nodal points such as burial mounds or megalithic structures.

This might be taken further by suggesting that faerie entities (whether representatives of the dead or not) exist in their own standalone non-physical reality, and are able to interact with our own physical reality when certain conditions are met. Much of the folkloric record about faerie encounters, as well as modern testimonies, infer that the participant(s) is engaged in the experience during an altered state of consciousness. This consciousness state can be induced by a variety of means, and can vary from slight tweaks in everyday perception through to dramatic changes brought about by psychedelic states. Faerie folklore often includes coded language to suggest that there is an alteration in the reality field, which allows the faeries to interface with human consciousness; likewise in modern testimonies. If this is true in historic folklore and modern encounters, then it is likely to be true for our prehistoric ancestors who were constructing the sites where so many faerie interactions have been recorded.

The shamanic cultures of the Neolithic and Bronze Age were certainly adopting various strategies to alter their state of consciousness for ritual purposes, and while there is no direct archaeological evidence for psychotropic plant/mushroom use in prehistoric Britain and Ireland, a recent study from Es Càrritx, in Menorca, using UHPLC-HRMS to examine hair strands from the Bronze Age detected the alkaloids ephedrine, atropine and scopolamine, confirming the use of psychotropic plants at this time. It is likely that British and Irish contemporaries of these Mediterranean peoples were also making use of various psychotropic plants and mushrooms, which were widely available at this time. But whatever technique was used by prehistoric people to alter their states of consciousness, the state itself is probably an important element of why they spent so much time and effort constructing megalithic structures and barrows in specific landscapes. Whilst these sites were built in reverence to the dead ancestors, it can be suggested that they were also located at nodal points – almost like landscape acupuncture – to induce encounters with representatives of the Otherworld, whether these were the dead, faeries or other forms of intelligent entities, which were not ordinarily part of physical reality. If this were the case, then perhaps the energy of these prehistoric sites resonates through time, and if we are in the appropriate state of consciousness, we too can tap into the same perceptive field, which may manifest as encounters with faerie-type entities. This in turn may alter and inform our understanding of reality and of death, much as it may have done for our prehistoric ancestors.

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The cover image is from the television series Children of the Stones (first aired on ITV in 1977). Artist not identified.

The interaction between archaeology and folklore is only touched upon in this article, but Tina Paphitis has written a thoughtful essay titled ‘Folklore and Public Archaeology in the UK’, which investigates the interaction (and lack of interaction).

Dead but Dreaming the novel is available now.

I also have an essay in the new publication Fairy Films: Wee Folk on the Big Screen (ed. Joshua Cutchin), which is a deep-dive into the 1997 film Photographing Fairies.

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‘The Otherworld Around Us’ by David Halpin

Deadbutdreaming is delighted to welcome back David Halpin as a guest author. David is an Irish folklorist and author, who writes extensively about the faerie phenomenon from a Fortean perspective, and has produced a large corpus of work, much of which can be found on his excellent Facebook blog Circle Stories. The following triumvirate of articles originally appeared there, and are an investigation in to ‘the Otherworld around us’, looking at how the faeries interact with humanity via the landscape, the air, and through consciousness. Thanks to David for giving permission to republish these insightful articles.

The Otherworld Around Us

Mounds and Ancient Places

Something I have written about previously is the observation that we might interpret the concept of fairy mounds in both archaic and contemporary ways. For example, we once thought fairies emerged from a hole in the earth. Then, as we became more technological we considered the possibility that they might come from a hole in the sky or another dimension. Today, there is a further school of thought which posits that fairies come from the depths of our collective consciousness. Of course, no matter which of these explanations, if any, we might prefer, we still have to account for the consequences of the interaction.

One immediate reason for this is the description of fairy mounds as being both places of the dead and also places of living contact. Claude Lecouteux reminds us that this is an overlooked aspect of the mounds: ancestors, spirits, and the beings we call fairies are affecting forces that impact upon us. From an ancestral healing perspective, by participating in this interaction we also impact upon our own future paths. Within Asian folk-magic, and even formal Tibetan Buddhism, rim-né are the effects of spiritual forces upon the living. This can often result in unexpected physical and psychological interference following a visit to an ancient place. Indigenous Oceanic peoples also take this consideration seriously when visiting ancestral sites and memory in a way that, perhaps, Irish people have to recover again. Obviously, when we interpret these sites through the discipline of archaeology and history we may not have an opportunity to acknowledge the reality of metaphysical considerations, never mind incorporating protection rites from a folk-magic perspective.

This is nothing revelatory: after all, the person we get to fix our cooker is not usually the person we ask to cook a meal with it, as Gordon White once observed! Returning to Lecouteux again, he reminds us that old Norwegian Christian laws (Kristenret) condemned pagans for “believing in land spirits, whether found in groves or mounds or waterfalls.” He goes on to say that this distinction is important because it shows that there was not one particular high pantheon being worshiped, but instead localised “numinous forces” which were more important to the ordinary person and their life. There were also two very interesting expressions used to describe this type of interaction; “to believe in the hills” and “to believe in the mounds”. Writing in Ireland’s Immortals: A History of the Gods of Irish Myth, author Mark Williams tells us that in the 8th century Hymn of Fíacc we are told that the Irish used to worship the síde; they did not believe in the godhead of the true trinity. Whether this means they worshipped the beings emerging from the mounds, or the sites themselves, Williams writes, “Thus the original author of the Hymn may have meant that the pagan Irish used to venerate the mounds.” This is interesting when compared to those previous Norwegian expressions.  

Writing about the mounds of The Boyne Valley, Williams also notes that, “Overall, it looks highly plausible, though at present unprovable, that there was a late-Iron Age cult focused on supernatural beings-whether gods, deified ancestors, or the spirits of the dead-associated with the mounds of the Boyne necropolis, and perhaps others as well.” Obviously, many of these sites are much older than Iron Age veneration and go back 5000 years in some cases. These places are still everywhere around Ireland even though so many have also been destroyed. With travel being so limited at the time, we can speculate that this probably means that we had countless local spirits and methods of veneration. Further testament to this might be how even today in societies where such beings and magic practices exist, this is the chaotic localised animism which seems to spontaneously and naturally occur.

An example of this is the Ulchi shamanistic tradition of passing down particular spells, prayers, and magical techniques through families, but there is also the room for new ways of interacting with the spirit-beings and forces, depending upon the practitioner. In this context, entering the supernatural realm from the same place does not mean that the traveller needs to follow the same direction or path once inside. I find it interesting that some see these places as having been communal and open to everyone, whereas throughout the world it seems more evidential that these were sites only open to the few. In this interpretation they are initiatory places, perhaps, and in order to meet with the ‘gods’ a neophyte or priest/priestess needed specific preparation: ceremony and secrets being important in this context. 

Our Irish traditions also warn us continually of how dangerous it is to interact with the beings of the mounds. Inside these places a type of sensory deprivation may have meant that the art that surrounded a person (and, perhaps, entheogenic consumption) aided the transition to the Otherworld. It’s interesting to note some of the similar symbols found in caves said to be used for shamanistic-type journeying and those found at ancient Irish sites. Understanding these sites in this context as entrances to the Otherworld as opposed to farming calendars or tombs surely seems to be a valid argument. 

The 5000 year old Orkney site, Maeshowe, for example, is now believed to have been a place where the Otherworld could be accessed aided by ritualised construction techniques. J van der Reijden of  the University of Highlands and Islands Archaeology Institute, describes the oppositional nature of the side-chambers within the mound as being where the membrane between the human world and spirit world is breached. Similar claims have been made regarding monuments having consciousness-changing purposes such as the Heb Sed festival of ancient Egypt. This was a way for the king  to renew his land and commune with the gods and goddesses dwelling in the spirit world. By entering the carefully built structures. the king was seen to have left the human world and travelled to the Otherworld. Again, when we consider that many of these places have alignments to equinoxes and solstices we might consider this further evidence for a non-farming purpose.

The stone circles of Gobekli Tepe predate farming by thousands of years and also had a ritual use involving stars, vibration and feasting. Giulio Magli, an archaeoastronomer at The Polytechnic University of Milan proposes that Gobekli Tepe was built to acknowledge Sirius, and possibly the moon. Vincenzo Orofino of the Universita del Salento has demonstrated that Gobekli Tepe also contains an alignment to the cross-quarter between the summer solstice and the autumn equinox. In other words, at the astronomical point we know in Ireland, at least today, as Lughnasadh. Again, a pre-farming alignment.

Sensory deprivation was also a hugely important aspect of the Eleusinian mysteries of ancient Greece, where initiates were brought into subterranean temples and caves where they would, following the drinking of a psychedelic brew, discover the meaning of life and death and know that consciousness could never die.  

Although we might want to believe that the effort it took to build these ancient sites and monuments was for communal purposes, let us remember that this wasn’t the case with the Great Pyramid or the temples of Central and South America. We now know through genetic evidence that this most likely wasn’t the case in Ireland, either. Newgrange contained the remains of a dynastic elite who practiced incest much like other hierarchical ruling systems of ancient cultures. The oldest names of Newgrange are Síd in Broga and Brug Mac Ind Óc. These names mean ‘Mansion  of the mound of the Otherworld’ and ‘Mansion of the Young Son’. Both seem to have more in common with a description of rebirth or elevated consciousness than farming.

The Air and Sky

Although many fairy encounters contain incidences of travelling through the air, and from fairy mound to fairy mound, the occasions where the fairies soar into outer space are few and far between. This is an often overlooked, and even misrepresented factor when trying to match fairy abductions to UFO encounters. However, the common links between soul-flight, shamanic journeying, fairy abductions, and, indeed, UFOs, are still tantalising. Writing in their paper, ‘Small Gods, Small Demons: Remnants of an Archaic Fairy Cult in Central and South-Eastern Europe’, Professor Éva Pócs, explains, “The typical fairy communication known from folklore accounts usually takes place in a characteristic space-time structure that is also a form typical of possession by the dead as it appears in this region.” This is an important consideration as a distortion of space-time is often reported by those who have such experiences. In fact, the trooping fairies sighted by many here in Ireland sounds quite similar, with a flow of airborne lights moving from ancient monument and site to another turning up frequently in our folklore

In this example from Co. Wicklow we have a very definite description of airborne fairy travel: “At this Rath in Krishuna it is said the fairies gather on certain nights. They ride on the wings of the wind and retreat at cockcrow to the rath of Mullaghmast in Kildare. The people of this neighbourhood are said to keep a black cock in order to defeat the more evil minded of the fairies and to preserve them from harm.”

This fairy wind seems to have the power to carry a person over the threshold between the fairy Otherworld and our own world. Sometimes people describe being transported in strange carriages and even upon brooms. These are lifted in the air and carried faster than seems possible. The destination, again, is dream-like, often, it seems, deliberately so, as if to mask another reality just below the surface, as in this example from Co. Longford: “Some time ago men were putting up hay in a field in Cam. A fairy wind came and took away the hay. A man threw his hat after it. He said it was lucky to do that – that the fairy wind wouldn’t do any harm, but when the wind settled there was a boy gone with it. One night when the boy’s father was going by Pat Cunningham’s fort, he heard fairy music, he went into the fort and found the boy.”

Robert Kirk, the 17th-century Scottish fairy folklorist, also wrote about such “secret paths” which a person might stumble onto and be then led to seeing the fair folk and maybe being captured for a while. Kirk interestingly describes the movement of fairies as “swimming in the air near the earth” which almost sounds like a travelling river of energetic consciousness, or a separate reality.

In his book, Spirit Paths: An exploration of Otherworldly Routes, Paul Devereaux tells us of an 18th-century witness to the fairy parade. They describe ‘the fairies’ as “…leaping and frisking in the air, making a path in the air.” John Keel, the American journalist and writer who studied strange phenomenon speculated that all otherworldly beings emanated from what he termed the ‘super-spectrum’.  This was the range of the electromagnetic spectrum not usually discernible through ordinary human senses. Keel noticed that many accounts of UFOs, fairies, and demonic beings emerging into our reality were often accompanied by reports of them changing colours before settling on their physical form. This would sometimes take the form of coloured lights in the sky or the beings seeming to fly out from the rainbow itself. As Keel writes in his fascinating work, The Eighth Tower: “When men of ancient Greece and Rome saw what we now term UFOs, they noted that the objects changed colours, conforming to the known colour spectrum. So the word specter was born.”

Asian shamanistic techniques also use a type of rainbow-path to ascend into the upper worlds in order to contact both ancestor spirits and other forms of consciousness. In this account from 1671, from ‘The Troll Labour’ in Thomas Keightley’s, The Fairy Mythology, Illustrative of the Romance and Superstition of Various Countries (1850), a woman describes how a fairy asks for her help in delivering a baby and transports the woman upon the wind: “When she returned, she told me, that when she went with the man out at the gate, it seemed to her as if she was carried for a time along in the wind, and so she came to a room, on one side of which was a little dark chamber, in which his wife lay in bed in great agony. My wife went up to her, and, after a little while, aided her till she brought forth the child after the same manner as other human beings. The man then offered her food, and when she refused it, he thanked her, and accompanied her out, and then she was carried along, in the same way in the wind, and after a while came again to the gate, just at ten o’clock.”

When taken to the Fairy or Spirit Otherworld a person may be chosen to become a healer or communicator between the human and spirit world. One particular way this is achieved is by having magic stones or objects placed inside the persons body. In terms of parallels between medicine men/ women and the Irish bean feasa, this was deemed to bestow an ability to heal the sick, see future events and deal with ancestral spirits. Near Dromkeel stone circle in 1992 a local farmer, John McManus, described how he was taken from his home by four small figures. He awoke in a circular ‘room’ where he was given an electric shock and something was put inside him. He then found himself back in his house where the floor was covered in mud and stones.

Three years later McManus had another experience where he felt compelled to walk to his window and watch lights appearing to drift across the nearby mountains. He felt as if he had been drawn to witness in order to participate. This is a well documented aspect of fairy lore. In many cases it takes the form of fairies playing a hurling match which they cannot begin until a human interacts with them in some way. Staying with McManus, this example of an object being placed inside a person is reported in all indigenous cultures when recounting experiences with fairy-type beings. Sometimes the experience takes the form of a person feeling as if they are being cut into pieces only to be put together again. In other examples the object placed in the body becomes the instigator of new healing knowledge or psychopomp abilities. There is no requirement to deny the physicality of what has taken place except in contemporary Western culture.

Writing in Aboriginal Men of High Degree, A.P. Elkin describes an Australian Aboriginal account of a medicine man taken by ‘spirits’ into the sky world where an operation is performed on him by having quartz crystals inserted into his side. He could henceforth visit the sky and establish communication with the sky spirits and even be summoned by them. The Aboriginal tribes of The Southern Murray region reflect the same beliefs as other Australian indigenous people which they say have been passed down in oral form for over 60,000 years – Aboriginal cave art depicting these encounters with the sky-serpent spirits have been dated to at least 40,000 BCE.

Returning to Ireland, this account recorded in 1926 is interesting, “I was learning to speak Irish at the time. A gang of us would be sent over beyond Lough Gara every week to be taught by the master there. Some of us would go on bicycles and would often cycle home in the dark. We were nervous when we’d cycle by the lake as we would often see three lights skimming across the water. Sometimes the lights would appear in the trees at the lake edge and other times they would submerge beneath the water. Our parents put the lights down to the work of God. ‘Don’t worry about them, they’re only lost souls trying to get into heaven. They’re no harm.’”

The only frame of reference at the time was religion and lost souls, which in most cases was short-hand for fairies. This account from Wentzs’s The Fairy Faith in Celtic Countries describes another airborne fairy encounter with multiple possible interpretations: “As they approached Listowel the doctor writes that he witnessed what he thought was the light of a house about a half mile ahead of him. On approach, though, the light began to behave in a very mysterious manner, “Moving up and down, to and fro, diminishing to a spark, then expanding into a yellow, luminous flame.” As they rode on, the doctor and his companion then saw two further lights behaving in a similarly bizarre fashion. The doctor tells us that the lights were six feet high and four feet wide and within each one was, “…a radiant being having human form.” The two lights then glided towards each other until they touched and the beings inside were able to walk between each light as if it was one individual orb.

Many Irish fairy encounters not only describe the fairies moving through the air but an entire fairy mound itself, which is seen to light up and spin, and at other times a parade of lights are seen to emanate from it and take off across the sky. This aspect has been documented at the rath situated near Keadeen, Co. Wicklow. In this example the lights also seem to foretell of a death: “One night about three years ago the Hartnetts who lived in Gardenfield were going to the fair in Drom and they saw a bright light shining over near Mrs. Dowling’s house. They said to themselves that it was very early Mrs. Dowling was up. Mrs. Dowling saw the same light that night moving up around Harnett’s house then it came down and it went into the fort and disappeared. That happened before Mr. Harnett’s death.”

Consciousness

The idea of a connected consciousness from which fairies emerge is but one possible explanation for their origin posited by some thinkers. Within this Otherworld lie infinite possibilities on the one hand, and, an already mapped out fate for all on the other. This factor often draws comparisons to some of the seeming contradictions which quantum mechanics displays. For example, a talent which demonstrates this type of prophecy was that of a seventh child being able to read the stars. In this case it is the foretelling of destiny which was likely consulted but perhaps there is a deeper purpose here in relation to more complex questions such as auspicious dates and conjunctions. These are tentative speculations but we do have folkloric evidence of this purpose in the Irish archives.

However, if fate is mapped out and there is nothing we can do about it, then why are fairies also associated with magic and interventions which might help someone avoid their fate? Also, not everyone can transmute these experiences and encounters into healing, art or writing, and there are many sad tales of people being driven mad or else considered deluded and who often ended up ostracised, shunned and even committed to mental asylums following an Otherworldly experience . Indeed, there are also many cases where the person begins to question their own sanity and they try to avoid the visions and communications. It can seem difficult to fathom why fairies might put a person in contact with such overwhelming consciousness overloads if these are the results. This leaves us with the enigma of fairy intervention (and purpose) to explain: why would the beings of the Otherworld pass on the wisdom in the first place if they know what it will do?

If, as some speculate, fairies are the emissaries of a higher consciousness that we are connected to, do we put their actions down to a deeper wisdom of our subconscious which seems to be triggering us to evolve at certain moments almost like the monolith appearing in the film 2001? However, it is the apparent agency and individuality of fairies which contradicts this way of thinking. Another consideration here is that within Irish fairy lore, for example, fairies often appear in the form of communal fears or concerns such as the association with the dangers of childbirth at a time when infant mortality and that of pregnant women was very high. There is an interesting reversal here, though, in that it is usually the human midwife who helps the supernatural being as opposed to the other way around. Another example of fairies being outside the limitations of human consciousness and time itself is how Irish tales of the Banshee often contain odd details such as the Banshee referring to generations of a family who have not been born yet, as if she is seeing events in the future. Again, does this mean that fate is always changeable or that there are fractal-like outcomes such as the many worlds hypothesis that fairies simply want to to shunt us between? If so, why?

Of course, as human beings, when not imprisoned within our tiny sliver of reception of the electromagnetic spectrum (From where all of our sensory input emerges) we are further restricted by the information our culture confers upon us even in the most subtle, yet restricting ways, such as tradition, rites and nativism. As Claude Lecouteux writes in his book, Demons and Spirits of the Land, “…the syncretic nature of these creatures has conferred upon them specificity so strong it conceals their origin.” So much for ever understanding fairy origins, or even purpose, in that case! The one constant in every explanation and interpretation is us, the experiencers.

So why are we so reluctant to venture inwards when contemplating fairies instead of creating vast and complicated supernatural spaces to accommodate their mysterious and contradictory nature? Or, are these non-physical and physical terrains the same? The ontological consequences of such questions are not detrimental to either human agency nor that of fairies, themselves. Instead we might consider this a symbiotic existence: the consciousness of whatever fairies are using the physicality of human beings to broach occasionally into our own existence and range of the electromagnetic spectrum. Huxley’s ‘Mind at large’ concept is a perfect example. This would also explain the odd encounters where fairies seem to need human beings to observe them before they can perform a specific task. Although many times this ‘task’ is a game or seemingly bizarre feat, perhaps this too is a matter of us simply being unable to process what is actually occurring and is instead broken down into base, recognisable actions.  

The manifestation of an independent consciousness through another also echoes the idea’s of Dr Jeffrey Kripal when he speculated that: “But if we live in a different world where everything is somehow embedded in consciousness, and we’re highly evolved transmitters or receivers of this broader cosmic life, then suddenly the universe is a marvellous place, and we live in a naturally ecstatic, evolving conscious cosmos that is waking up to itself.”  

This triumvirate has looked at some of the explanations and questions around fairies and the Otherworld. I just wanted to draw attention to the different ideas and opinions which emerge as we go deeper down the rabbit hole. In this way we can then approach more contemporary sightings and experiences with further insight. As I explained on a recent podcast, perhaps we should consider that we have arrived at a more sophisticated understanding now, in some ways. At one point we believed that fairies came from beneath the earth, then after the 1950s we began to contemplate the idea of them coming from a hole in space or another dimension. Today, we can at least entertain the idea that perhaps they emerge from a deeper part of consciousness itself, neither physical nor immaterial, and perhaps dare us to attempt to grasp such concepts in order to bring us forward into a higher understanding of ourselves.

Image and text © David Halpin.

Cover image is Boleycarrigeen stone circle, Co. Wicklow, Ireland.

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Dead but Dreaming the novel is available now.

‘Were the Gnomes of Wollaton Park Intelligent Light Forms?’ by Mave Calvert

Deadbutdreaming is delighted to welcome guest author Mave Calvert. Mave is an experienced dowser and in this article she turns her attention to the perpetually mysterious case of the Wollaton gnomes. It is an incident that has been covered here in several previous posts, including Faeries, Children and Altered States of Consciousness and Revisiting the Wollaton Gnomes by Dan Green. And in 2022 Simon Young published The Wollaton Gnomes: A Nottingham Fairy Mystery, which includes all the known source material, as well as several articles from researchers. In the following essay Mave takes a dowsing perspective on the event, resulting in some intriguing interpretations as to what may have been happening. Thanks to Mave for giving her permission to publish on deadbutdreaming.

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Simon Young’s recently published book The Wollaton Gnomes: A Nottingham Fairy Mystery contains source material and a number of essays from various researchers discussing the sighting of gnomes driving floating cars by children who were trespassing in the grounds of Wollaton Park in Nottingham around dusk on the Autumn Equinox of 1979. My own entanglement in the mystery started in Autumn 2021 when my friend Dan Green, who describes himself as a researcher of high strangeness, persuaded me to investigate the mystery from a dowsing perspective.

The encounter was described in the 2014 book Seeing Fairies by Marjorie Johnson (1911-2011), who lived in Nottingham all her life and collected accounts of faerie sightings, having had encountered the little people herself on many occasions. Although the publicity centred around this one particular encounter in 1979, it became clear from further research that the phenomena had been encountered at various locations around the park on several different occasions including faerie sightings around the lake by adults. There are also prolific accounts of paranormal phenomena associated with Wollaton Hall, the Elizabethan mansion that stands on a sandstone mound in the middle of the 500-acre deer park. Below this mound is underground water that dowsers would describe as a ‘Blind Spring’ where a dome of water rises from deep underground but does not break the surface, with numerous underground water veins seeping away from it through fissures in the rock strata.

Since the book containing essays by myself, Dan Green, Frank Earp, Neil Rushton, Kate Ray et al. was published in January 2022, further dowsing research has been undertaken that appears to link the phenomena to both the underlying piezoelectric sandstone geology of the park and the underground water which, when combined, produce ideal conditions for the production of the self-illuminated conscious plasma orbs that are often associated with so-called paranormal phenomena.

High Strangeness in Yorkshire
I am a member of the Ridings Dowsers and in November 2020 we had a Zoom talk by paranormal researcher Paul Sinclair from Bridlington. He described multiple strange phenomena that take place around the Bempton Cliffs and Flamborough Head areas and the surrounding Yorkshire Wolds. The geology of the area is predominantly chalk, similar to that of Wiltshire where Avebury Henge is located and where high strangeness is also reported. The area is also intersected by the huge geological anomaly known as The Bempton Fault, with faulting and magnetic anomalies extending under the North Sea. Moreover, there are many ancient burial mounds and other earthworks in the area as well as the tallest standing stone in Britain, the Rudston Monolith.

Having taken a great interest in Paul Sinclair’s Zoom talk and read all the books he has written on the subject, I was struck by the similarities in the children’s accounts of the Wollaton Gnomes encounter and what Paul Sinclair calls Intelligent Light Forms (ILFs), which he defines as “Unexplained lights in the sky that move with an awareness that implies intelligence.” Sinclair also tells us that “These things are often seen around ancient earthworks and standing stones, locations renowned for all aspects of the paranormal.”

As the well-known researcher Paul Deveraux commented in his latest book, The Powers of Ancient and Scared Places (2022): “These fractures in the Earth’s crust caused by seismic action not only can be sites of radiation and magnetic anomalies, but around these geological discontinuities are also various other phenomena, such as gaseous emissions, electrical effects associated with mineral enrichment around faulting, and the occasional occurrence of strange lights … The lights are presumably some exotic form of plasma. Plasmas can appear metallic in daylight – somewhat like air bubbles under water – and shine in the dark … Some light balls seem to react to onlookers … Plasmas may possess rudimentary intelligence, often displayed as animal-like curiosity … disappearing then reappearing instantaneously at another location or stopping seemingly without deceleration as if having no mass.” Again, this sounds very similar to the ILFs that Paul Sinclair describes in an area intersected by faulting and ancient sites.

Intelligent Light Forms meet Noddy and Big Ears
The Wollaton children’s comments that reminded me of the East Yorkshire ILFs included: “When we looked up there was a light in the trees”; “You could see them in the dark, they showed up”; “Some up in the trees and some on the ground”; “When we went to the trees, they went back in; when we went away from the trees, they come back out again”; “When they come out, we seen a light in the trees hanging and we could see the faces “; “They kept chasing us”, “Very fast”; “They don’t come out in the light.” Asked how the cars moved, the children said: “They could kind of jump over the logs.” Typical of witness accounts in Paul Sinclair’s books are statements such as: “It seemed to be following the contour of the cliff path and smoothly dipped rose with the land” and “it … moved so smoothly, as if it was on rails….” Some of the children felt threatened while others described the gnomes as friendly and joyful. Paul Sinclair echoes this stating that: “In some cases a wave of fear descends on some who witness the phenomenon, others are left awestruck.” He goes on to say: “I have noted that these light forms seem to be somehow able to tap into human emotions – since at times the observers can either feel extreme fear or extreme excitement. Even the visual experience seems to connect with a person’s beliefs or experience – whether it be religious or alien. These sightings seem to fit with the mind-set of the observer.”

When asked about the headlights on the floating cars the children made comments such as: “Kind of funnyish lights on the cars, triangularish.” In several of the accounts in Paul Sinclair’s books witnesses describe triangular shapes within the ILFs and one witness described an ILF as: “The size and shape of an old Mini car headlamp.”

Dowsing for Gnomes at Wollaton Park
At Dan Green’s request, I visited Wollaton Park in October 2021. I asked my dowsing rods to take me to somewhere where I could learn more about the phenomena. I was taken to the lake in the south of the park. Behind this was a tree-covered mound. When I walked up onto this mound, I felt straight away that I was in a liminal place and instantly experienced an altered state of consciousness. After standing still for a while I felt the presence of plasma orbs around me. They seemed translucent in the dappled sunlight, similar to the soap bubbles blown by children. After a few minutes some of these orbs seemed to me to morph into nature spirits, a phenomenon that I had recently been researching. I began referring to the area as the ‘Fairy mound’. I suspect that if someone else with an interest in extra-terrestrial lifeforms or ILFs had been there perhaps that is exactly what the plasma orbs would have shape-shifted into. It therefore follows that when witnessed by 8 to 10-year-old children brought up in the Noddy and Big Ears era who regularly saw fairground bumper cars set up in Wollaton Park, that these plasma orbs might appear to morph into something like gnomes driving floating cars.

On a subsequent visit I went to the area in the north of the park near the school and marshy area where Frank Earp suggests that the September 1979 encounter took place. My dowsing suggested he was correct. Although I couldn’t enter the marshy area without trespassing as it is fenced off, just as it was in 1979, I found that walking around its perimeter I once again felt I had suddenly entered a liminal space and was in the presence of translucent plasma orbs that morphed into nature spirits, similar to my experience on the ‘fairy mound’ on my previous visit.

After reading Frank Earp’s comments about the faulting in the Wollaton coalfield that extends under Wollaton Park, I decided to investigate the geology of the area using maps on the British Geological Society (BGS) website. The geological maps showed the marshy area to the north of the park area to be where the geology changes from piezoelectric quartz sandstone to coal measures. It also showed that what I was referring to as the ‘fairy mound’ was directly above a geological fault. So, both the areas I had felt to be liminal spaces exhibited ideal conditions for the manifestation of plasma orbs, both being over geological anomalies and one being near a lake and the other a marshy area.

Faeries, Ectoplasm and Plasma Orbs
In the chapter about the Wollaton Gnomes in Seeing Fairies Marjorie Johnson points out that in her experience nature spirits can create something by visualising it out of universal thought-substance. This may be what early mediums referred to as ‘Ectoplasm’ which appears to be a plasma-like substance. She also points out that faerie visions are often coloured by the observer’s personality. From personal experience, Marjorie found the materialised bodies of nature spirits to be self-illuminated, all of which fits in with what we are now coming to understand about plasma orbs and their relationship to the phenomena often termed paranormal.

Several well-known researchers, including Paul Deveraux, Gary Biltcliffe, Andrew Collins, Greg Little and Robert Temple, have recently been paying a lot of attention to self-illuminated intelligent plasma which appears to have its own consciousness that interacts with human consciousness, morphing into the orbs and other forms often associated with paranormal activity. As Greg Little points out: “When the plasma forms it creates an electromagnetic shell or bubble around itself. When one of these forms appears near a human, the electromagnetic bubble surrounds both the plasma and its percipient. The electromagnetic field creates an energy wall forming a consciousness interaction field, meaning that the beliefs and mental state of the human inside the bubble interact with the purposes of the plasma.” This is exactly how I felt in the areas of Wollaton Park where I experienced translucent plasma orbs that seemed to shape-shift into the elemental nature spirits that I had been hoping to encounter.

Conclusion
As ever, the debate will continue as to the nature of so-called paranormal phenomena, and the possible existence of trans-dimensional intelligences. However, it seems rather synchronistic that several well-established researchers in the field have in the last year or so published new books linking the phenomena to that of conscious or intelligent plasma, and that encounters from back in 1979 have suddenly resurfaced for further examination. Perhaps the collective unconscious or the luminous plasma beings themselves are at long last steering us towards a better understanding of these phenomena. We wait and see.

Further Reading:

Collins, Andrew – Lightquest: Your Guide to Seeing and Interacting with UFOs, Mystery Lights, and Plasma Intelligences (2012)

Deveraux, Paul & McCartney, Paul – Earth Lights: Towards and Understanding of the UFO Enigma (1982)

Deveraux, Paul – The Powers of Ancient and Sacred Places (2022)

Johnson, Marjorie – Seeing Fairies (2014)

Little, Greg & Collins Andrew – Origins of the Gods (2022)

Sinclair, Paul – Night People: The Truth that Leaves No Proof (2020)

Sinclair, Paul – Truthproof: The Truth that Leaves No Proof (2016)

Sinclair, Paul – Truthproof 2: Beyond the Thinking Mind (2018)

Sinclair, Paul – Truthproof 3: Bringing Down the Light (2019)

Sinclair, Paul – Truthproof 4: Beyond Reasonable Doubt (2022)

Temple, Robert – A New Science of Heaven: How the New Science of Plasma Physics is shedding light on Spiritual Experience (2022)

Young, Simon – The Wollaton Gnomes, A Nottingham Fairy Mystery (2022)

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More details about Mave Calvert and her work can be found here on The Ridings Dowsers website.

The cover image is commissioned artwork by Tracy Vincent.

Kate Ray and Neil Rushton discuss the case of the Wollaton Gnomes on Hare in the Hawthorn…

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Dead but Dreaming the novel, is available now.